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Books on castration and eunuchs

Posted: Mon Jan 14, 2008 7:02 pm
by Danya (imported)
I was looking through the closet to find a C.S. Lewis quote in his book "The Screwtape Letters". I want to use this quote in one of my upcoming blog posts.

As I was searching for the Lewis book, I came across three that deal with castration and eunuchs. Right now, I don't have time to say much about them. I may do that later when I have more time. Right now, I simply want to recommend them as good reads.

1. "Castration, An Abbreviated History of Western Manhood", Gary Taylor, 2000. Some of you have mentioned feeling a connection between vasectomy and castration. Mr. Taylor makes exactly the same connection in reference to himself. Of course, the vasectomy piece is only a minor part of the history. This is a scholarly work that's very well written and very entertaining besides. There's a quote on the back cover from Maggie Paley, author of 'The Book of the Penis': "A passionate, provacative history of ideas about male sexuality and the best account of castration you're ever likely to read."

2. "The Persian Boy", Mary Renault, 1972. An historical fiction account of Alexander the Great's gelded boy slave lover, Bagoas. This book has been mentioned on EA before. BTW, Bagoas is an actual historical figure.

For those who may be interested, Mary Renault published a, for that time, daring and sympathetic look at homosexual lives and love way back in 1959, "The Charioteer". The story takes place in WWII.

3. "Memoirs of Byzantine Eunuch", Christopher Harris, 2002. I really enjoyed this one and need to reread it.

For decades, I've had a thing for books and tales about eunuchs. Now I know why I had that fascination! :D

Re: Books on castration and eunuchs

Posted: Tue Jan 15, 2008 12:30 am
by DeaconBlues (imported)
I remember "The Screwtape Letters" and one classic line from it, the first line of the last letter. "My dear, my VERY dear Wormwood,..." Ever since reading that, I am always worried any time someone talks or writes to me as "very dear" or anything like that.

Re: Books on castration and eunuchs

Posted: Fri Jan 18, 2008 4:47 pm
by Danya (imported)
I found "The Screwtap Letters' to be scary and subversive in the matter-of-fact way the devil's assistant goes about trying to corrupt our hero. There's nothing at all dramatic going on. Just simple, day-to-day attempts to slowly turn the guy's path. It's a very well-written book.

Re: Books on castration and eunuchs

Posted: Thu Jan 24, 2008 10:01 pm
by Francis (imported)
I was just about to start a thread on books about eunuch's and was going to draw attention to Wilbur Smith's Egypt series - "River God", "Warlock" and "Quest" . I have read the first two and the chief character is a eunuch in Ancient Egypt. They are quite entertaining and quite graphic in places. I wont say more except to say that Wilbur hs done a pretty good job of portrayal of his life as a eunuch and recommend the series as a good read.😀D:D

Re: Books on castration and eunuchs

Posted: Fri Jan 25, 2008 4:24 pm
by homptydumpty (imported)
EUNUCHS AND CASTRATE A CULTURAL HISTORY is a great book i have read more than once!

Re: Books on castration and eunuchs

Posted: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm
by JesusA (imported)
I have gradually started to catalog my more important books and articles on castration and eunuchs. Here is my listing to date (with only about a third completed so far):

Amis, Kingsley

1976 The Alteration [fiction]. New York: Viking Press.

Anderson, Mary M.

1990 Hidden Power: The Palace Eunuchs of Imperial China. Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books.

Aucoin, Michael William, and Richard Joel Wassersug

2006 The Sexuality and Social Performance of Androgen-Deprived (Castrated) Men Throughout History: Implications for Modern Day Cancer Patients. Social Science & Medicine 63:3162-3173.

Ayalon, David

1988 On the Eunuchs in Islam. In Outsiders in the Lands of Islam: Mamluks, Mongols and Eunuchs. Pp. 67-124. London: Variorum Reprints.

1999 Eunuchs, Caliphs and Sultans: A Study in Power Relationships. Jerusalem: Magnes Press, The Hebrew University. [a review and some excerpts are on the Nonfiction Board]

Behrend-Martinez, Edward

2005 Manhood and the Neutered Body in Early Modern Spain. Journal of Social History 38(4):1073-1093.

Cauldwell, D. O.

1947 Effects of Castration on Men and Women: Accidental, Voluntary and Involuntary Castration; Eunuchism and History - Medical Treatment and Aspects. Girard, KS: Haldeman-Julius Publications. [the full text of this is on the Nonfiction Board]

Chatterjee, Indrani

1999 Between Male and Female: Androgynous Anti-kin. In her Gender, Slavery and Law in Colonial India. Pp. 44-57. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Cheney, Victor T.

1995 A Brief History of Castration. Edison, NJ: USCCCN International.

Clapton, Nicholas

2006 Handel & the Castrati: The Story Behind the 18th Century Superstar Singers (29 March–1 October 2006). London: Handel House Museum.

Cohen, Lawrence

1995 The Pleasures of Castration: The Postoperative Status of Hijras, Jankhas and Academics. In Sexual Nature, Sexual Culture. P.R. Abramson and S.D. Pinkerton, eds. Pp. 276-304. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Croutier, Alev Lytle

1989 Harem: The World Behind the Veil. New York: Abbeville Press.

Deller, Karlheinz

1996 The Assyrian eunuchs and their predecessors. Second Colloquium on the Ancient Near East - The City and its Life, Mitaka, Japan, 1996, pp. 303-311. UniversitÀtsverlag C. Winter.

DeMarco, Laura E.

2002 The fact of the castrato and the myth of the countertenor. The Musical Quarterly, Vol. 86, pp. 174-185.

Diner, Helen (Pseud. Bertha Eckstein-Diener)

1938 Angels & Eunuchs. In her Emperors, Angels, & Eunuchs: The Thousand Years of the Byzantine Empire. Pp. 62-72. London: Chatto & Windus.

Edwardes, Allen

1959 Eunuchism: Honor in Dishonor. In his The Jewel in the Lotus: A Historical Survey of the Sexual Culture of the East. Pp. 179-198. New York: Julian Press.

Engelstein, Laura

1999 Castration and the Heavenly Kingdom: A Russian Folktale. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

Fauber, L. H.

1990 Narses: Hammer of the Goths: The Life and Times of Narses the Eunuch. Gloucester: Alan Sutton.

Ferroul, Yves

1997 Abelard's Blissful Castration. In Becoming Male in the Middle Ages. J.J. Cohen and B. Wheeler, eds. Pp. 129-150. The New Middle Ages. New York: Garland Publishing.

Finucci, Valeria

2003 The Masquerade of Manhood: The Paradox of the Castrato. In her The Manly Masquerade: Masculinity, Paternity, and Castration in the Italian Renaissance. Pp. 225-280. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

Fisher, Humphrey J.

2001 Eunuchs. In his Slavery in the History of Muslim Black Africa. Pp. 280-294. Washington Square, NY: New York University Press.

Fritz, Hans

1994 Kastratengesang: hormonelle, konstitutionelle und pÀdagogische Aspecte. Tutzing: Verlegt bei Hans Schneider.

Grayson, A. Kirk

1995 Eunuchs in power: Their role in the Assyrian bureacracy. In Vom Alten Orient Zum Alten Testament: Festschrift fĂŒr Wolfram Freiherrn von Sodern zum 85. Geburtstag am 19.Juni 1993. M. Dietrich and O. Loretz, eds. Pp. 85-98: Verlag Butzon & Bercker Kevelaer.

Guilland, Rodolphe

1943 Eunuchs in the Byzantine Empire: A Study in Byzantine Titulature and Prosopography. Études Byzantines 1:197-238. (anonymous translation)

Guyot, Von Peter

1980 Eunuchen als Sklaven und Freigelassene in der griechisch-römischen Antike. Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta.

Hage, J. Joris, and Refaat B. Karim

2000 Ought GIDNOS Get Nought? Treatment Options for Nontranssexual Gender Dysphoria. Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery 105(3):1222-1227.

Halpern, Ashlea

2006 Battle of the Sexless; The Plight of the Modern-Day Eunuchs, and Why They Come to Philadelphia. In City Paper. Philadelphia.

Hathaway, Jane

1997 The Qazdaghs and the Chief Black Eunuch. In her The Politics of Households in Ottoman Egypt: The Rise of the Qazdaghs. Pp. 139-164. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Hawkins, J. D.

2002 Eunuchs among the Hittites. In Sex and Gender in the Ancient Near East: Proceedings of the 47th Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Helsinki, July 2-6, 2001. S. Parpola and R.M. Whiting, eds. Pp. 217-233, Vol. 1. Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project.

Hester, J. David

2006a Eunuchs and the Postgender Jesus: Matthew 19:12 and Transgressive Sexualities. 33 pp.: InterfakultĂ€res Zentrum fĂŒr Ethik in den Wissenschaften, TĂŒbingen.

2006b Queers on Account of the Kingdom of Heaven: Rhetorical Constructions of the Eunuch Body. 18 pp.: InterfakultĂ€res Zentrum fĂŒr Ethik in den Wissenschaften.

Hopkins, Keith

1978 The Political Power of Eunuchs. In his Conquerors and Slaves. Pp. 172-196. Sociological Studies in Roman History, vol. 1. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Humana, Charles (pseud.)

1973 The Keeper of the Bed: The Story of the Eunuch. London: Arlington Books.

Irvine, Martin

1997 Abelard and (Re)writing the Male Body: Castration, Identity, and Remasculinization. In Becoming Male in the Middle Ages. J.J. Cohen and B. Wheeler, eds. Pp. 87-106. The New Middle Ages. New York: Garland Publishing.

Ishikawa, Takeshi

1995 Hijra: India's Third Sex (in Japanese). Tokyo: Seiya-sha

Jaffrey, Zia

1996 The Invisibles: A Tale of the Eunuchs of India. London: Phoenix.

Jay, Jennifer W.

1995 Eunuchs and Sinicization in the Non-Han Conquest Dynasties of China. Paper delivered at Asian Studies on the Pacific Coast. Forest Grove, OR.

Jonckheere, Frans

1954 Eunuchs in Pharonic Egypt. Revue d'Histoire des Sciences 7(2):139-155.

Kadish, Gerald E.

1969 Eunuchs in Ancient Egypt. In Studies in Honor of John A. Wilson; Studies in Ancient Civilization, No. 35. Pp. 55-62. Chicago: Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago.

Kuefler, Mathew S.

1996 Castration and Eunuchism in the Middle Ages. In Handbook of Medieval Sexuality. V.L. Bullough and J.A. Brundage, eds. Pp. 279-306. New York: Garland Publishing, Inc.

2001 The Manly Eunuch: Masculinity, Gender Ambiguity, and Christian Ideology in Late Antiquity. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

2003 The Practice of Self-Castration in Early Christianity. Pacific School of Religion, Berkeley, CA (unpubl. ms.).

Lal, K.S.

1994 Ghilmans and Eunuchs. In his Muslim Slave System in Medieval India. Pp. 105-118. New Delhi: Aditya Prakashan.

Lansky, Mark

1989 The Most Critical Option: Sex Offenses and Castration in San Diego, 1938-1975. Journal of San Diego History 35(4).

Lascaratos, John & Kostkopoulos, Anthanasios

1997 Operations on Hermaphrodites and Castration in Byzantine Times (324-1453 AD). Urologia Internationalis 58:232-235.

Lindholm, Charles

1996 Slaves, Eunuchs, and Blacks. In his The Islamic Middle East: An Historical Anthropology. Pp. 213-227. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.

Long, Jacqueline

1996 Claudian's In Eutropium: Or, How, When, and Why to Slander a Eunuch. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press.

Maekawa, Kazuya

1980 Female Weavers and Their Children in Lagash - Presargonic and Ur III. Acta Sumerologica 2:81-125.

Mango, Cyril

1986 St. Michael and Attis. Delton: Tes Christianikes Archaiologikes Hetaireias, series 4, vol. 12:39-62.

Marmon, Shaun

1995 Eunuchs and Sacred Boundaries in Islamic Society. New York: Oxford University Press.

Matignon, Jean-Jacques

1900 Les eunuques du Palais impérial de Pékin. In his Superstition, Crime et MisÚre en Chine. Pp. 231-273. Lyon: A. Storck & Cie.

McCaffrey, Kathleen

2002 Reconsidering Gender Ambiguity in Mesopotamia: Is a Beard Just a Beard? In Sex and Gender in the Ancient Near East: Proceedings of the 47th Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Helsinki, July 2-6, 2001. S. Parpola and R.M. Whiting, eds. Pp. 379-391, Vol. 2. Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project.

Mitamura, Taisuke

1970 Chinese Eunuchs: The Structure of Intimate Politics. Rutland, VT: Charles E. Tuttle Company.

Money, John

1993 Sexual Perfection Is to Be a Eunuch: The Skoptic Syndrome. In his The Adam Principle: Genes, Genitals, Hormones, & Gender: Selected Readings in Sexology. Pp. 341-353. Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books.

Montagu, F. Ashley

1946 Ritual Mutililation Among Primitive Peoples. Ciba Symposia 8(7):421-436.

Moran, Neil

2002 Byzantine Castrati. Plainsong and Medieval Music 11(2):99-112.

Moxnes, Halvor

2003 Leaving Male Space: Eunuchs in the Jesus Movement. In Putting Jesus in His Place: A Radical Vision of Household and Kingdom. Pp. 72-90. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press.

Nanda, Serena

1996 Hijras: An Alternative Sex and Gender Role in India. In Third Sex, Third Gender: Beyond Sexual Dimorphism in Culture and History. G. Herdt, ed. Pp. 373-418. New York: Zone Books.

1999 Neither Man nor Woman: The Hijras of India. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing Company.

Peschel, Enid Rhodes, and Richard E. Peschel

1987 Medical Insights into the Castrati in Opera. American Scientist 75:578-583.

Pittard, EugĂšne

1934 La castration chez l'homme. Recherches sur les adeptes d'une secte d'eunuques mystiques, les Skoptzy. Archives suisses d'Anthropologie générale 6(3-4):213-535.

Pleasants, Henry

1966 The Castrati. HiFi/Stereo Review (July):36-41.

Premand, Natacha F., and Ariel Eytan

2005 A Case of Non-Psychotic Autocastraton: The Importance of Cultural Factors. Psychiatry 68(2):174-178.

Proschan, Frank

2002 Eunuch Mandarins, Soldats Mamzelles, Effeminate Boys, and Graceless Women: French Colonial Constructions of Vietnamese Genders. GLQ 8(4):435-467.

Rapaport, Ionel

1948? Introduction a la Psychopathologie Collective: La Secte mystiques des Skoptzy. Paris: L. Rodstein.

Reade, Julian

2002 Sexism and Homotheism in Ancient Iraq. In Sex and Gender in the Ancient Near East: Proceedings of the 47th Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Helsinki, July 2-6, 2001. S. Parpola and R.M. Whiting, eds. Pp. 551-568, Vol. 2. Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project.

Reddy, Gayatri

2005 With Respect to Sex: Negotiating Hijra Identity in South India. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Rice, Anne

1982 Cry to Heaven [fiction]. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.

Ringrose, Kathryn M.

1996a Eunuchs as Cultural Mediators. Byzantinische Forschungen: Internationale Zeitschrift fĂŒr Byzantinistik 23:75-93.

1996b Living in the Shadows: Eunuchs and Gender in Byzantium. In Third Sex, Third Gender: Beyond Sexual Dimorphism in Culture and History. G. Herdt, ed. Pp. 85-110. New York: Zone Books.

2003 The Perfect Servant: Eunuchs and the Social Construction of gender in Byzantium. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Roberts, Laura Weiss, Michael Hollifield, and Teresita McCarty

1998 Psychiatric Evaluation of a "Monk" Requesting Castration: A Patient's Fable, With Morals. American Journal of Psychiatry 155:415-420.

Roll, Lindsey

2007 Angels We Have Heard on High: The Making of the Castrati in 17th and 18th Century Italy. (ms.)

Scholz, Piotr O.

2001 Eunuchs and Castrati: A Cultural History. J.A. Broadwin and S.L. Frisch, transl. Princeton, NJ: Marcus Wiener Publishers.

Scott, Charles L., and Trent Holmberg

2003 Castration of Sex Offenders: Prisoners' Rights Versus Public Safety. Journal of the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law 31:502-509.

Sloothaak, Mike

2003 Eunuchs, Castration, and Orientalism. 21 pp.: Purdue University (American Studies Dept.).

Somerset-Ward, Richard

2004 Angels & Monsters: Male and Female Sopranos in the Story of Opera, 1600-1900. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Spencer, Robert F.

1946 The Cultural Aspects of Eunuchism. Ciba Symposia 8(7):406-420.

Stent, G. Carter

1877 Chinese Eunuchs. Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society

n.s., no. 11.

Stevenson, Walter

1995 The Rise of Eunuchs in Greco-Roman Antiquity. Journal of the History of Sexuality 5(4):495-511.

Tadmor, Hayim

2002 The Role of the Chief Eunuch and the Place of Eunuchs in the Assyrian Empire. In Sex and Gender in the Ancient Near East: Proceedings of the 47th Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Helsinki, July 2-6, 2001. S. Parpola and R.M. Whiting, eds. Pp. 603-611, Vol. 2. Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project.

Taylor, Gary

2000 Castration:
Danya (imported) wrote: Mon Jan 14, 2008 7:02 pm An Abbreviated History of Western Manhood.
New York: Routledge.

Terao, Yoshio

1985 The Eunuch Story: Men Who Want to Become Not Men (in Japanese). Tokyo: Toho Shobo.

Toledano, Ehud R.

1998 The African Eunuchs in the Nineteenth Century. In his Slavery and Abolition in the Ottoman Middle East. Pp. 41-53. Seattle: University of Washington Press.

Tougher, Shaun (ed.)

2002 Eunuchs in Antiquity and Beyond. Swansea: The Classical Press of Wales.

Tougher, Shaun F.

1997a Byzantine Eunuchs: An Overview, With Special Reference to Their Creation and Origin. In Women, Men and Eunuchs: Gender in Byzantium. L. James, ed. Pp. 168-184. London: Routledge.

1997b The Emperor's Men: Eunuchs and Strategoi. In The Reign of Leo VI (886-912): Politics and People. Pp. 194-218. Leiden: Brill.

2004 Holy Eunuchs! Masculinity and Eunuch Saints in Byzantium. In Holiness and Masculinity in the Middle Ages. P.H. Cullum and K.J. Lewis, eds. Pp. 93-108. Cardiff: University of Wales Press.

Tsai, Shih-shan Henry

1996 The Eunuchs in the Ming Dynasty. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.

Vyas, M.D. & Shingala, Yogesh

1987 The Life Style of the Eunuchs. New Delhi: Anmol Publications.

Wassersug, Richard J., B.S. Zelenietz, and G. Farrell Squire

2004 New Age Eunuchs: Motivation and Rationale for Voluntary Castration. Archives of Sexual Behavior 33:433-442.

Watanabe, Kazuko

1999 Seals of Neo-Assyrian Officials. In Priests and Officials in the Ancient Near East: Papers of the Second Colloquium on the Ancient Near East - The City and its Life; held at the Middle Eastern Culture Center in Japan (Mitaka, Tokyo). K. Watanabe, ed. Pp. 313-361. Heidelberg: UniversitÀtsverlag C. Winter.

Wille, Reinhard, and Klaus M. Beier

1989 Castration in Germany. Annals of Sex Research 2:103-133.

Wolfson, Elliot R.

1997 Eunuchs Who Keep the Sabbath: Becoming Male and the Ascetic Ideal in Thirteenth-Century Jewish Mysticism. In Becoming Male in the Middle Ages. J.J. Cohen and B. Wheeler, eds. Pp. 151-186. The New Middle Ages. New York: Garland Publishing.

Re: Books on castration and eunuchs

Posted: Fri Jan 25, 2008 8:01 pm
by Danya (imported)
Jesus,

I appreciate your posting of this list and look forward to its completion, when you have the time. Some of these would be difficult for me to acquire (e.g.,
JesusA (imported) wrote: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm 1877 Chinese Eunuchs. Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society
). I'm sure copies of even old journal articles can be obtained with enough effort.

Tonight, as I ate my cheesy dinner (I need the calcium, you know :-) ), I continued my reading of Anne Rice's beautiful and sensitively written, fictional "Cry to Heaven", one of the books on your list. I'd seen this book mentioned elsewhere in the Archive.

When I purchased it last night, I wasn't sure that I had the right book. The opening sentence told me that I had what I sought: "Guido Maffeo was castrated when he was six years old and sent to study with the finest singing masters in Naples."

Re: Books on castration and eunuchs

Posted: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:27 pm
by vesal_mas (imported)
Dear Friends,

This post was an inscentive to look at what I could find on the subject.

Having an academic function, I could find some articles in the library.

I begin with the article of Farrell Squire. I think this article had been posted elsewhere. But it is so good, I post it again. Moderators may erase this and other articles if they think they have to.

Greetings to all,

Vesal !

Archives of Sexual Behavior, Vol. 33, No. 5, October 2004, pp. 433–442 ( C_ 2004)
JesusA (imported) wrote: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm New Age Eunuchs: Motivation and Rationale

for Voluntary Castration

Richard J. Wassersug, Ph.D.,1,4 Sari A. Zelenietz, B.S.,2 and G. Farrell Squire, B.S.3

Received July 22, 2003; revision received November 11, 2003; accepted November 11, 2003

We used a survey posted on the Internet to explore the motivation of men who are interested in

being castrated. Out of 134 respondents, 23 (17%) reported already having been castrated. The

104 (78%) individuals who said they had not been castrated were asked why they wanted to be

castrated and why they had not actualized that desire. They were given multiple-choice answers

to select from. The major reason (selected by 40% of respondents) for desiring castration was to

achieve a “eunuch calm” and freedom from sexual urges; however, a large proportion (∌30%) of

respondents found fantasies about being castrated sexually exciting and a similar percentage desired

castration for the “cosmetic” appearance it achieved (which we interpret to mean scrotal removal

along with an orchiectomy). This high interest in castration as either a sexual stimulus (a fetish) or

a cosmetic enhancement was unexpected and contrasted with the more classically stated motivation

for voluntary castration in the psychiatric literature, i.e., libido control and transsexualism. Internet

discussion groups that serve these men may encourage them to act out their castration fantasies.

Alternately, Internet discussions may give them a displacement outlet for their fantasies and decrease

the risk of castration by nonmedically qualified “street-cutters” or by self-mutilation. Forty percent

of our respondents claimed that they would have an orchiectomy, if it were cheap, safe, and simple.

A quarter wanted to try chemical castration first, but 40% were embarrassed to talk to their doctors

about their interest in castration. Information now available on the Internet provides these men with

increasingly easy access to street-cutters and directions on howto perform surgical castrations, putting

them at risk of permanent injury and disability. Physicians need to be aware of these risks.

KEYWORDS: castration; Internet; orchiectomy; eunuch; fetish.

INTRODUCTION

Eunuchs are castrated men whose testicles are

surgically removed or otherwise made nonfunctional by

crushing or drug treatment. Next to tooth extraction and

circumcision, castration has arguably been the most commonly

practiced surgical ablation on the Asian continent

since before Christ. It produced the hundreds of thousands

1Department of Anatomy & Neurobiology, Dalhousie University,

Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada.

2Dalhousie University, Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada.

3Arbody, Inc., Little Rock, Arkansas. (Deceased)

4To whom correspondence should be addressed at Department of

Anatomy & Neurobiology, Sir Charles TupperMedical Building, 5850

College Street, Dalhousie University, Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada

B3H 1X5; e-mail: tadpole@dal.ca.

of eunuchs that administrated much of the Byzantine

world (Ringrose, 2003) and the Ottoman Empire in the

west (Ayalon, 1999; Marmon, 1995) and the Chinese

dynasties in the east (Tsai, 1996; see also Tougher, 2002).

Although Tsai (1996) considered castration the

“worst form of human exploitation” and Taylor (2000)

labeled it the “epitome of loss” and the “ultimate humiliation,”

psychiatry has documented many cases of men

in modern times castrating themselves (e.g., Aboseif,

Gomez, & McAninch, 1993; Becker & Hartmann, 1997;

Martin & Gattaz, 1991; Masson & Klein, 2002). Unfortunately,

our understanding of what motivates these men is

largely derived from a biased sample: those individuals

whose attempts at self-surgery or use of a medically

unqualified castrator are not completely successful are the

ones who come to the attention of the health profession.

433

0004-0002/04/1000-0433/0 C_ 2004 Springer Science + Business Media, Inc.

434 Wassersug, Zelenietz, and Squire

Menwho desire to be castrated and achieve itwithout

complications (by either self-castration or the services of a

nonmedical castrator, i.e., a “street-cutter”) may never be

seen by a physician. Similarly, men who fantasize about

being castrated, but do not act out their fantasies, may also

be invisible to the medical system. Little is known about

what motivates these people to get castrated or to delay

acting out their fantasies.

In this study, we make use of adult discussion groups

on the Internet to explore the reasons why some men

wish to be castrated, yet have not proceeded to have

an orchiectomy either within or outside of the medical

system. We make use of the fact that the privacy and

anonymity afforded by the Internet has allowed large

discussion groups to form among people who share

obsessions that encompass areas that society at large might

consider taboo (see, e.g., Williams & Weinberg, 2003).

In our case, we focused on groups where castration

was either a major or minor defining theme of the group.

We included a few discussion groups related to prostate

cancer because chemical and/or surgical castrations are

standard treatments for advanced prostate cancer. Through

our survey, we were able to identify motivation factors

beyond the two commonly identified: a desire for celibacy

and transsexualism (Money, 1980). We were also able to

get a rough demographic profile on a set of men who are

fascinated with the idea of being castrated.

METHOD

Participants and Procedures

A survey was designed that was specifically directed

toward men interested in castration. It was posted between

May and September 2002 on 30 adult discussion

groups on the Internet.5 The groups were selected to

cover a breadth of interests in castration, ranging from

transsexual fantasy sites to advanced prostate cancer

discussion groups. Our key method of finding groups

was through Internet searches using key words such as

“castration” and “eunuch.” Included were sites that might

5The groups where the survey was posted or where directions to the

survey were posted included www.eunch.org, phml@phcagroups.org,

circle@prostatepointers.org, prostate@listserv.acor.org, advanced@

phcagroups.org, as well as the following, which all start with the

prefix “http://groups.yahoo.com/group/”: eandmlifestyle, psychemasculation,

chemicallyalteredsexuality, eunuchshaven, eunuchsreferralsandadvice,

GYNARCHY, Gynosupremacy, menwithoutballs2,

MWJournal, newthrones, theneuteringnews, triumphantamazons,

TG Writers, tgchristians, barbarastransgenderedchat, marisastransgendersalon,

midwesttransgendersupport, nicoleststgsupport, transgenderededucationassoc,

tenntvtgtsstation, TsDoItYourselfHormones, valleytgirlfetish,

msjilljorgensen, fantasygirl, seattletransgenderedandsos.

Table I. Respondents by Age

Age N %

Under 25 5 4

25–35 21 16

35–45 31 23

45–55 51 38

Over 55 23 17

No answer provided 3 2

be visited by both heterosexual and gay men interested

in castration, although we made no effort to explore the

sexual orientation of respondents.

The survey yielded 134 replies. The age and educational

levels of the respondents are given in Tables I and

II. The mean age was approximately 45, assuming that the

number of respondents under 25 (N = 5) had an average

age of 20 and those over 55 (N = 23) had an average

age of 60. Because these polls were posted largely on

sites that are technically restricted to adults, it is likely

that few of the respondents were below the age of 20 (the

minimum age to view the sites is 18). However, given the

large number of replies from men over 55, our estimate of

a mean age of 45 is likely to be slightly low.

The majority of respondents had at least four years

of college education. Only 1 person had not completed

high school,whereas 12 respondents had doctoral degrees.

Thus, overall the respondents represented a group of welleducated,

mature adults.

The survey consisted of three questions: (1) What

is your castration status? (2) Why haven’t you been

castrated? and (3) Why do you want to be castrated?

The latter two queries were directed at individuals

who were interested in being castrated, but who had not

undergone the procedure. The questions had 17, 12, and 24

choices for answers, respectively (seeAppendix).Respondents

could select only one choice for the first question,

but asmany choices as applied for the second and the third

questions.Many of the choices were similar (e.g., choices

Table II. Respondents by Education Level

Educational level N %

Non-HS 1 1

HS graduate 21 16

2 yrs college 29 22

4 yrs college 33 25

Postcollege 34 25

Doctoral degree 12 9

No answer provided 4 3

Motivation for Voluntary Castration 435

Table III. Most Common Reasons Respondents Gave for Not Having Been Castrated Yet

Number of

Rank responses

1 A medically safe castration is too expensive for my budget 45

2 If castration were as cheap, safe, and painless as a flu shot, I’d be 43

much more likely to get it done

3 I’m embarrassed to talk to my physician or urologist about this 42

4 I fear that an operation by a street-cutter would be dangerous 35

5 I would like a trial run with a reversible chemical castration first 28

6 and 10 for Question 2). However, some were admittedly

unlikely (choice 21 in Question 3) given the targeted

subject pool, that is, postpubescent males over 18 years of

age. The goal was to give as broad a sweep of options in

Questions 2 and 3 as possible. Respondents were permitted

to select more than one answer to these two questions.

Permitting multiple answers also reduced the chances that

wewould get more than one survey filled in per individual.

Because we tracked e-mail addresses, we know that each

response came from a different e-mail address.

Basic demographic information was also requested,

that is, age and educational level.We did not askwhere the

respondents were from, but this survey was only posted

in English, so we assume that most of the respondents

were from English-speaking countries. We also asked the

respondents to tell us when they first became interested in

castration.

To encourage veracity, the questionnaire was

introduced by stating that (1) the survey was being

conducted for a professor in a medical school in Canada

and (2) all individual replies would be kept strictly

confidential. In posting this survey on the Internet, we

realized that the responses we received were subject to a

variety of biases, as discussed, for example, by Mustanski

(2001). We assumed that all of the respondents were

males and honest in their replies; however, we had no

way to independently verify this.

We also recognized that the respondent pool might

have been biased toward individuals who had easy, but

private, computer Internet access. A similar possible bias

was acknowledged by Williams and Weinberg (2003),

who used the Internet, much as we did, to locate and

survey individuals with sexual interests in animals. These

individuals were likely to be people with some economic

independence, which may correlate with their age and

educational level.

RESULTS

Of the 134 replies, 23 (17%) respondents claimed

to have been castrated whereas 104 (78%) stated they

had not. Two respondents gave their castration status as

“other” and five provided no answer. The many people

who responded to the second and the third questions but

who had not been castrated suggest that there is a sizable

community of “eunuch wannabes” who are largely hidden

from public view.

The mean number of responses to Question 2 (“Why

haven’t you been castrated?”)was 2.9,with a range of 1–8.

The five most common reasons why the men who nurture

fantasies of being castrated and have nevertheless not had

orchiectomies are given in Table III. The general reasons

that these men gave for not having the procedure were

cost and medical safety. Cost and medical safety concerns

accounted for three of the four most frequent reasons for

not actualizing their fantasies of castration (ranked first,

second, and fourth in Table III). More than 40% of the 104

uncastrated males surveyed selected one or more of these

three reasons for not having been castrated. On the one

hand, they feared going to street-cutters (ranked fourth)

and, on the other hand, they were embarrassed to talk

to their physicians about medically safe orchiectomies

(ranked third). Approximately a quarter of the men who

responded to the survey expressed interest in a trial

run with reversible chemical castration (ranked fifth in

Table III).

The mean number of responses to Question 3 (“Why

do you want to be castrated?”) was 3.3, ranging from 1 to

11. The five most popular reasons for desiring castration

are given in Table IV. The two most common answers

were similar: a desire to have a “eunuch’s calm” (ranked

first) and a loss of sexual urges/appetite (ranked second).

Approximately 40% of the uncastrated males selected one

or both of these reasons for wishing to be castrated.

The next most frequent answer (ranked third) was

the “excitement of the castration scene.” This answer

suggests that, for some, castration fantasies may fall into

the realm of paraphilias, as identified in the DSM-IVTR

(American Psychiatric Association, 2000) although

castration fantasies are not specifically listed there. This

answer was followed in popularity by a desire for the

cosmetic appearance associated with castration (ranked

436 Wassersug, Zelenietz, and Squire

Table IV. Most Common Reasons Respondents Desire Castration

Number of

Rank Reason responses

1 A feeling of calm, often called the eunuch calm 42

2 A sense of control over one’s sexual urges and/or sexual appetite 41

3 The excitement of the castration scene itself 32

4 Cosmetic effect. Just like the look 31

5 Feeling a deep desire to be submissive to partner 26

fourth). We interpret this to mean that the respondents

viewed castration as including removal of the scrotum,

because a pure orchiectomy without scrotal removal

would not produce an overt change in the appearance

of the external genitalia (other than eventual shrinkage).

The fifth most common reason was a “deep desire to

be submissive to a partner.” A quarter of the uncastrated

males selected this as a reason for desiring castration.

Of the castrated males, only five respondents selected

medical treatment for disease as a reason for

their castration (choices 1–3 in Question 1). Another

well-known reason for castration is as part of sexual

reassignment surgery (SRS) for male-to-female

(MtF) transsexuals, but only four respondents gave that

as a reason for their orchiectomies (choices 4–6 in

Question 1).

A series of two-sample t tests, matching the ranks

given in Table IV with the ages of the respondents, failed

to show any age bias in the rankings (all ps > .25).

Men, both young (<45) and old (>45), were equally

likely to pick, for example, control of “sexual urges” or a

fascination with the cosmetics of castration as reasons to

desire castration.

Data in Table V indicate how persistent the fascination

with castration was among uncastrated respondents.

Over a third of those respondents date their initial interest

in castration to when they were less than 25 years old.

Almost half of the subjects date their interest to before

they were 35 years old. Given the high mean age of the

subjects, this suggests that, on average, the respondents’

Table V. Age Respondents Were First Interested

in Castration

Age first interested N %

Prepuberty 9 7

Puberty to 25 38 28

25–35 18 13

35–45 12 9

45–55 11 8

Over 55 5 4

No answer provided 41 31

interest in castration endured for more than a decade, and

in many cases for several decades.

DISCUSSION

We are not the first to use an Internet survey to

explore psychosocial aspects of an otherwise uncommon

psychological presentation (e.g., Huang & Alessi, 1996;

Lipsitz, Fyer, Paterniti, & Klein, 2001; Mustanski, 2001;

Williams &Weinberg, 2003). The power of this approach

is that it provides simple, quick access to a large sample

from the targeted population. However, this convenience

is balanced against the difficulty of confirming the

validity of the anonymous responses obtained. Such

uncertainty concerned us because males are known to

provide less-than-truthful answers to questions about their

sexuality (see Siegel, Aten, & Roghmann, 1998) and,

until proven otherwise, this might include their castration

status.

Some reassurance as to the validity of our data was

provided by an independent survey posted to the Yahoo

“Psychemasculation” adult discussion group. That survey,

which was smaller than ours, ran some months after our

survey ended and, like ours, asked respondents if they

were castrated or not. Out of 32 replies received, the ratio

of castrated-to-noncastrated respondents was 1:3, which

was close to the 1:4 ratio we obtained with our larger

sample (z test, p = .25).

Classic Reasons for Seeking Castration

Themajor reason for the castration ofmen in modern

society is for the treatment of oncological diseases—most

notably advanced prostate cancer. On the basis of the

number of men that die of prostate cancer each year, and

the fact that castration is offered to virtually all of them

when primary treatments (e.g., prostatectomy, external

beam radiation, brachytherapy) fail, we estimate that

more than 44,000 patients with prostate cancer are either

chemically or surgically castrated each year in North

Motivation for Voluntary Castration 437

America. These men, however, are largely quiet about

their treatments. Few, if any, responded to our survey.

Although they are castrated, these men were castrated

out of medical necessity and are evidently not fixated on

the procedure. Many men on hormonal ablation therapy

do not equate this chemical castration with surgical

orchiectomy, although the resulting androgen deprivation

is the same.

If castration enters the public eye, we believe it is

mostly in the context of a procedure to control excessive

sexual urges amongst those whose sexual obsessions

are dangerous to themselves and/or others (Gawande,

1997). Controlling such urges was the majormotivator for

castration among the “eunuch wannabes” who replied to

our survey.We have no information, however, on howwell

these respondents are controlling their sexual yearnings

without castration.

There has been much debate about offering or

mandating castration for criminals convicted of sexual

predatory behavior (Spalding, 1998). Our search of the

data suggests that in states where castration is voluntary,

very few criminals choose this option unless it leads

to a reduced sentence (Baro Diaz, 2002; Marosi, 2001;

Moczynski, 2003). It is difficult to obtain an accurate

picture of how many men (convicted of sexual crimes

or otherwise) who have requested either chemical or

surgical castration for libido control ever get the treatment.

Circumstantial evidence suggests, however, that it is a very

small fraction (<0.5%) compared to the number of men

who are castrated to treat prostate cancer. For example,

in Texas the law permitting voluntary castration has been

used only once in 6 years (Anonymous, 2003), and of

53 sex offenders in Texas who recently requested castration,

most were ruled ineligible whereas eight await

surgery (Anonymous, 2003).

Thus, both our study of individuals found through

the Internet and reports about sex offenders in various

states suggest that the number of males desiring chemical

or surgical castration to control their sexual drive is

much higher than those who actually receive treatment.

One factor accounting for this discrepancy may be the

taboo nature of the topic. The fact that some 40% of

our respondents showed hesitancy to discuss castration

with their doctors reflects how socially unacceptable it

is to raise the topic, even in the confidential setting

of a doctor’s office. Concepts like Freud’s “castration

complex” (see Taylor, 2000) may have further demonized

voluntary castrations, making the surgical procedure

unpalatable to society and the medical system. In one

psychoanalytical view, castration is “the most severe

punishment that an individual. . . can be threatened with”

(Michel & Mormont, 2002). Thus, despite the popularity

of laws permitting or mandating castration for extreme

sex offenders, there is little evidence of acceptance for the

procedure on a case-by-case basis.

Another well-established reason for seeking a voluntary

orchiectomy is as part of SRS for MtF transsexuals

(e.g., Money, 1980; Sirota, Megged, Stein, &

Benatov, 1994). As with voluntary castration for the

control of sexual urges, it is similarly difficult to get

accurate numbers on how many of these operations

are performed in North America, but multiple informal

(unpublished) estimates place the number at fewer than

2,500 per year.

Although our survey was posted on a variety of

websites directed toward transsexuals and individuals

interested in transsexualism, we received relatively few

responses from individuals who wanted castration as part

of SRS. One possibility for this low response rate was that

most of the people in the transsexual community are not

interested in castration per se, but only seek castration as a

means to an end, that is, complete sex reassignment. Those

individualswho have successfully and fully transitioned to

female are not likely to be following Internet discussions

directed toward males who nurture castration fantasies.

They have achieved their goals. Transsexuals, like prostate

cancer patients, do not show the avid interest in castration

that most of the respondents in our study demonstrated.

Many of the people (approximately 40% in our

survey) whose interest in castration was intense enough

for them to participate in Internet discussion groups on

that topic believed in the idea of a “eunuch calm” (ranked

first in Table IV). It is worth noting, though, that this

concept is not well defined in either the Internet or the

medical world. A search in Google for “eunuch calm”

produced only 12 hits (excluding our questionnaire) and

half of those were either for www.eunuch.org or for a site

devoted to transsexualism. A search on PubMed on the

same word combination yielded no citations.

Despite a large volume of literature documenting

decreased libido with chemical and surgical castration

(e.g., Cheney & Peterson, 1997; Higano, 2003), the

psychological effects of androgen deprivation go far

beyond inducing a calm state vis-`a-vis libido (see Higano,

2003). Other common psychological reactions are neither

minor nor benign (e.g., depression, tearfulness, and

assorted cognitive losses; Cherrier, Rose, & Higano,

2003). From the discussions that we have been following

on www.eunuch.org and other Internet sites devoted to

castration, it is clear that many of the people who undergo

voluntary castration are neither informed, nor prepared,

for the plethora of additional long-term side effects of

castration. These include osteoporosis, loss of lean muscle

mass, increase in body fat, changes in body odor, and loss

438 Wassersug, Zelenietz, and Squire

of body hair (see Higano, 2003; Smith, 2002; Smith et al.,

2002). From following many Internet discussion groups,

like those footnoted earlier, it is our impression that many

voluntary eunuchs, who were castrated for reasons other

than cancer treatment or transsexualism, will eventually

take supplemental androgens to fight depression and

improve their health and sense of well-being (Bain,

2001).

Novel Reasons for Seeking Castration

The fact that a quarter of our respondents expressed

an interest in castration for cosmetic reasons came as a

surprise to us and, wewould argue, is a departure from traditional

reasons for seeking castration. In apotemnophilia,

a condition that is characterized by an obsessive interest

in having a limb amputated (Elliott, 2000; Johnston &

Elliott, 2002;Wise & Kalyanam, 2000), there is evidence

that a seminal event in these individuals’ lives was

exposure to an amputee in their youth. However, it is

unlikely that a similar experience influenced many of our

respondents, who were fascinated, if not obsessed, with

castration. For one thing, few, if any, of our respondents

would have had much exposure during their youth to

males without a scrotum (or penis). One might suggest,

somewhat whimsically, that Ken dolls, GI Joes, and

Mickey Mouse could have been surrogate models for

male mammals lacking conspicuous external genitalia.

However, we suspect that these cultural icons are not

sufficiently similar to humans to act as credible models

in the same way that real amputees may have seeded

thoughts of limb amputation in apotemnophiliacs.

The pop cultural rise of tattooing, body piercing, and

more extreme body modificationmay be influencing some

men nurturing their castration fantasies. The emergence

of “she-males,” individuals who blend male and female

secondary sexual characteristics (see Blanchard, 1993),

exemplifies the elective anatomical diversity that is now

not only possible but gaining exposure in the Western

world. Websites, like Bmezine (www.bmezine.com),

provide vivid images of extreme genital modifications,

including total genital removal. Images of genetic males

with a large variety of modifications to their secondary

sexual characteristics abound on both the Internet and

recently in printmedia aswell. Until recently, such images

were not widely available to citizens at large. The idea that

these images, particularly on the Internet where access is

not restricted, could influence health in a negative fashion

has been raised before (e.g., Ribisl, 2003; Ribisl, Lee,

Henriksen, & Haladjian, 2003;Wise & Kalyanam, 2000);

however, rigorous testing of such hypotheses is difficult.

Approximately 30% of our respondents claimed that

fantasizing about castration excited them sexually (ranked

third in Table IV; see also Israel, 1998). For some of

these individuals, their fantasies may be persistent and

intense enough to be considered paraphilias. In the past,

individuals with such extreme masochist ideations would

most likely have kept their thoughts to themselves and

rarely shared them with others. Indeed, because men

with other paraphilias tend to de-emphasize them, our

30% response rate may be a low estimate. The Internet,

however, allowed us to find and correspond with a fairly

large number of people with these fantasies. It also allows

them to find and correspond with each other.

Adult Internet discussion groups may breed communities

of people who share deviant views and allow

them to find instant validation for their obsessions. This

point has already been made for apotemnophiliacs by

Elliott (2000, 2003), pedophiles by Quayle and Taylor

(2001), and zoophiles by Williams and Weinberg (2003).

It is worth noting that three of the discussion groups,

where we posted our survey, which focus specifically

on castration (i.e., theneuteringnews, eunuchshaven, and

menwithoutballs), all have over 1,000 members. Large

communities such as these allow people who share similar

paraphilias to correspond and reinforce each other’s

ideations, giving them a sense of communal acceptance,

if not normalcy (see also Deirmenjian, 2002; McGrath

& Casey, 2002); however we do not know whether

such “cyber-support” leads to increased obsessions by

individuals with such fetishes.

The fifth most common reason in our study for

seeking castration was a desire to be more submissive

to a partner (Table V). A quarter of our respondents

selected that as a reason for castration. Fictional castration

stories that devotees post on www.eunuch.org typically fit

this masochist fetish model and a belief that castration

produces extreme submissiveness. Endocrinology belies

this fantasy. Castratedmales have approximately the same

androgen titers as females and one should not expect

the castrated male to be any more (or less) submissive

than the average female in any particular society. The

thousands of males that are surgically or chemically

castrated each year for the treatment of cancer do not

stand out in our modern society as being exceptionally

submissive. Furthermore, studies of eunuchs in history

reveal that many were generals, chief advisors, powerful

administrators; hardly meek, malleable, or obsequiously

submissive in any obvious way (Scholz, 2001; Segal,

2001; Tsai, 1996, 2002).

Our survey identified a population of well-educated,

adult men fascinated with the idea of being castrated and,

in some cases, have evidently held such fascination for

Motivation for Voluntary Castration 439

decades.Assuming our respondents have been honestwith

us,many would voluntarily have orchiectomies if they felt

that the procedure was simple, safe, and inexpensive.

Themost common reasons that our respondents gave

forwanting to be castrated are all in accordwith the classic

motivation of ascetics, that is, to ascend above carnal

desires. Voluntary castration for this reason has been part

of religious rituals for millennia (Money, 1988; Scholz,

2001; Taylor, 2000). Our data were consistent with the

view that, for most individuals who desire castration, this

passionwas “not impulsive, but the result of long-standing

conflicts, usually involving difficulties . . . to cope with

sexual drives” (Sirota et al., 1994).

The interest in castration for a substantial number

of our respondents, however, was of a fetishistic nature,

reflecting fantasies ofmasochism and submissiveness that

do not match the psychoendocrinological realities of androgen

deprivation. Psychiatric research has documented

enough cases of self-inflicted genitalmutilation to indicate

that this psychopathology is hardly new (e.g., Aboseif

et al., 1993; Becker & Hartmann, 1997; Money, 1988;

Sirota et al., 1994; Wise & Kalyanam, 2000).

Whether the fact that the Internet now allows men

with such fetishes to correspond with each other is a

good or bad thing cannot be resolved with the little

information that we have. Internet support groups have

been shown to reduce depression and perceived stress

for women with breast cancer (Winzelberg et al., 2003).

But how these communities affect individuals when their

common shared feature is a paraphilia rather than an

oncological illness is not known (see McGrath & Casey,

2002; Williams & Weinberg, 2003, for possibilities in

this regard). On the one hand, it is possible that such

keyboard camaraderie may inspire some men to act out

their fantasies (Quayle&Taylor, 2001).On the other hand,

these cyber associations may be safety valves that allow

individuals with paraphilias, who could be dangerous to

themselves or others, to displace the risk of real mutilating

injury with the more benign symptoms of excess time at

the computer terminal.

One of the more surprising discoveries from our

survey was the large number of men who wanted to be

castrated because they liked the look of a castrated male,

that is, the appearance of the perineum with the scrotum

removed.We believe this to be a rather new (postmodern)

reason for seeking castration. The psychiatric literature

that we have reviewed does not list this as a motivation

for castration outside of transsexualism.

What accounts for this new motivation is unknown.

We speculate that it is fueled by the growing popularity

of body modification in general (i.e., piercing, tattooing,

cosmetic surgery) and the fact that images of surgically

modified genitalia are now easily accessed on the Internet

and in some adult magazines.

Should any of the eunuchwannabes in our study wish

to bring their fantasies to fruition, the Internet provides

them with all the information they need. The reality is that

one can now get detailed directions on how to perform and

where to obtain orchiectomies directly from the web (see

Wise & Kalyanam, 2000).

Several facts taken together present a disturbing

picture. First, a substantial number of men with castration

fixations (about 40%) are embarrassed to talk to their

doctors about their obsession (Table III). This increases

the likelihood that—should they decide to live out

their fantasies—the procedure will be performed in a

nonmedical setting. Some men, out of desperation, may

go to street-cutters6 or self-mutilate (e.g., Israel, 1998;

Murphy, Murphy, & Grainger, 2001; Sirota et al., 1994).

People who are not medically qualified offer their services

via the Internet to eunuch wannabes for free or at costs

below those ofmedically qualified personnel. Some of the

would-be eunuchs end up in emergency rooms as a result

of these illegal procedures (see Masson & Klein, 2002).

If trial runs with chemical castration were an option

for more men with castration fixations, perhaps fewer

would take matters into their own hands. Our survey

revealed that at least 25% of our respondents would happily

explore a short-term course of temporary chemical

castration before having an orchiectomy. This would give

them a chance to experience the effects of androgen deprivation

without the irreversibility of surgery. Of course,

this requires that the individual contemplating nonmedical

castration via either self-surgery or street-cutters first

discuss their desire for castration with their doctors

and seek counseling. Physicians can help these patients

by initiating discussions that explore, in a supportive

and nonjudgmental fashion, the castration fantasies and

medical options available to these men. As an adjuvant

to counseling, our data suggest that many men with

castration paraphilia would happily undertake chemical

castration if the opportunity were provided them.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

“One2dizzo” helped us format our survey for efficient

posting on the Internet. Laura Bennett, Michele

Byers, Ross Gray, Andrew Harris, Josie Johnston, Clyde

Olson, Jean Olson, Wendy Olson, Kerri Oseen, Steven

6The USA’s most recognized street-cutter, Gelding, by 2000

may have castrated >50 men (see www.sfweekly.com/issues/2000-

06-28/feature2.html/l/index.html). Details on his life can be

found at www.geocities.com/WestHollywood/5686/castrate.html and

www.bmezine.com/news/people/A10101/gelding.html.

440 Wassersug, Zelenietz, and Squire

Phelps, Lesley Roberts,DollyWadhwa, KarenWarkentin,

and Stephen Workman all offered insightful discussion

and comments on draft manuscripts. This research was

supported in part by a Natural Sciences and Engineering

Research grant to RJW.

APPENDIX

Question 1: What Is Your Castration Status?

1. I have been castrated for medical reasons and,

except for the treatment that it provided for my

medical condition, I regret the other changes it

has made in my life.

2. I have been castrated for medical reasons but

I don’t find the changes it made in my life

particularly surprising or regrettable.

3. I have been castrated for medical reasons and

coincidentally found the changes it made in my

life better than I expected.

4. I have been castrated as part of the sequence

toward sexual reassignment and now regret

having it done.

5. I have been castrated as part of the sequence

toward sexual reassignment and the changes it

has made in my life are neither surprising nor

regrettable.

6. I have been castrated as part of the sequence

toward sexual reassignment and coincidentally

found the changes it made in my life better than

I expected.

7. I was castrated to fulfill a sexual/emotional need

(other than transitioning from male to female)

and regret having it done.

8. I was castrated to fulfill a sexual/emotional need

(other than transitioning from male to female)

and find the changes it has made in my life not

particularly exciting or regrettable.

9. I was castrated to fulfill a sexual/emotional need

(other than transitioning from male to female)

and find the changes it has made in my life better

than I expected.

10. I plan to be castrated for medical/health reasons.

11. I never want to be truly castrated, but I fantasize

about it.

12. I think I would submit to castration, if I could

have a scene just like my fondest fantasy.

13. I would submit to castration only if my partner

truly wanted me to be their eunuch.

14. Iwant to be awoman’s (or man’s, if gay) eunuch,

but would consider castration only if my partner

sincerely shared my lifestyle ideal.

15. I wouldn’t hesitate to be castrated if an affordable

and medically safe operation was available.

16. I want to be castrated so badly I’m willing to

be castrated in a non-clinical environment by a

non-MD.

17. None of the above statements closely approximate

my situation or feelings. (If you choose

this selection, please send a brief explanation

with your response).

Question 2: Why Haven’t You Been Castrated?

1. Iwould like a trial runwith a reversible chemical

castration first.

2. I fear knowledge of my castration could cause

problems for me in the workplace.

3. I fear my wife/partner would disapprove of my

decision to be castrated.

4. I fear family members, other than wife or partner,

would disapprove of my decision to be castrated.

5. I have no partner and fear I’ll damage my

chances of finding one, if I become a eunuch.

6. A medically safe castration is too expensive for

my budget.

7. I’m embarrassed to talk to my physician or

urologist about this.

8. I fear an operation by a street-cutter would be

dangerous.

9. I would only want to be castrated in a BDSM

scene of my liking, not in a sterile, serious

clinical environment.

10. If castration was as cheap, safe, and painless as

a flu shot, I’d be much more likely to get it done.

11. I am concerned about long-term side effects

other than loss of libido.

12. Other. (If you choose this selection, please send

a brief explanation with your response.)

Question 3: Why Do You Want to Be Castrated?

1. For treatment or prevention of a medical condition

(i.e., prostate cancer, testicular cancer, or

any medical consideration).

2. Foolproof birth control.

3. Asense of control over one’s sexual urges and/or

sexual appetite.

4. A feeling of calm, often called the eunuch calm.

5. Partner’s sex drive is much lower, castration

of husband would make for more harmonious

marriage.

Motivation for Voluntary Castration 441

6. Perception that relationship with partner would

become more intimate if man were castrated.

7. As a symbol and token of total trust in his partner.

Giving partner control over HRT is important.

8. Feeling a deep desire to be submissive to partner.

9. Feeling a deep desire to become submissive to

women in general.

10. Male guilt. The perception that women in general

have suffered historically at the hands of

male-dominated culture.

11. Specific personal guilt. Something that individual

has done that warrants castration as a means

of atonement.

12. Guilt over one’s sexuality in general. Feeling

that all sexual thoughts and desires are wrong.

13. Castration for religious reasons.

14. A desire to become free of the power women

hold over me through sexual attraction.

15. Avoidance of military service.

16. Avoidance of male responsibilities or pressure

to be macho.

17. Increased chance of receiving unconditional

love, like a pet or baby.

18. A reaction to feelings of sexual inadequacy

(perceived or real)—needing to feel accepted as

less than a man.

19. Cosmetic effect. Just like the look.

20. As a transitional stage in sexual reassignment

surgery.

21. Retaining youthful soprano singing voice

(castrati).

22. The excitement of the castration scene itself.

23. The physical pain of castration.

24. Other. (If you list “Other” among your selections,

please include a brief description in your

reply.)

REFERENCES

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Re: Books on castration and eunuchs

Posted: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:29 pm
by vesal_mas (imported)
Eunuchs in Historical Perspective

Kathryn M. Ringrose*

University of California, San Diego

Abstract

This article examines the meaning of the terms ‘eunuch’ and ‘castration’ and situates

these terms in an historical context. It divides castrated eunuchs into two groups,

those who castrate themselves voluntarily for religious reasons and those who are

castrated by others either as a punishment or in order to create an individual who

is significantly different from a whole man. This second group is further divided based on

the tasks for which the eunuch is prepared. These may be sexual or lie in the area

of personal service. Three major court cultures are compared, Islam, Byzantium,

and China, and several religious cults that encourage self-castration are also discussed.

Serious study of eunuchs as individuals and as social groups is relatively new.

Earlier historians often pointed them out, generally associating them with

the moral and political decline of whatever empire they were writing about.

One has only to look at the work of J. B. Bury to see this pattern. Thanks

in part to the new analytical tools developed as a part of gender studies, this

picture has changed dramatically and we can now recognize that eunuchs

were an integral component of many societies and that they were important

to the long-term stability of these societies. Some individual eunuch

communities have been given detailed consideration, others are still in need

of serious investigation. We now have studies of eunuchs in Late Antiquity,

Byzantium, Islam, and China, but little has been written about eunuchs in

the courts of Southeast Asia, India, or Africa. Since many western scholars

still approach the topic with revulsion, we also lack studies of eunuchs in

Muslim Spain, North Africa, or at the courts of Sicily and southern Italy.

Few scholars have attempted to study eunuchs within the larger framework

of the history of the Afro-Euro-Asian World. It is clear that there was a

worldwide trade in eunuchs and that it was a subset of the slave trade, but

the geography of the trade in eunuchs has not yet been clearly mapped

out. This will not be an easy task. As I will discuss later in this essay, an

important part of the tradition surrounding eunuchs is the fact that their

families must be forgotten, and so they are rarely mentioned in our

sources. This makes it difficult to identify eunuchs’ place of origin. The facts

of their castration also must remain hidden. We have biographical data on

a few Chinese eunuchs, but information of this kind is rare regarding the

eunuchs of Islam or Byzantium.

© 2007 The Author

Journal Compilation © 2007 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

History Compass 5/2 (2007): 495–506, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2006.00379.x

At the same time the direct sources from societies that included eunuchs

contain a large amount of pejorative commentary about them, commentary

that is invariably written by whole men. While the study of eunuchs

inevitably is enriched by a linguistic study of that pejorative literature, little

that is good is ever said about eunuchs, and what is said is often expressed

in highly coded language. This reflects the fact that eunuchs fell outside of

clearly defined gender categories yet had access to positions of great status

and power. Thanks to newer techniques for reading texts as layered sources

we can now analyze what eunuchs were accused of being and grasp what

they actually were.

Today many scholars are asking whether eunuchs represent a third gender

or a third sex category. I am inclined to believe that this is not a valid

question to ask about historical eunuchs. Contemporary society tends to

look at issues of sexuality and gender in terms of male, female, and

other. Today we usually determine these categories based on biology and

gendered attributes. It is risky to assume that tenth-century Chinese,

Byzantine, or Moslem societies used the same categories that we now use.

Despite pejorative rhetoric that compared Byzantine eunuchs to women,

for example, it is clear that they were considered to be men, though men

with different attributes, talents, and physiology when compared to whole

men.

The term eunuch is very old. It derives from the Greek word for bed,

and refers to the oldest role that eunuchs played in aristocratic society:

guardians of the bedchamber. In a very general sense, the term eunuch, even

today, is used to refer to a man who has lost the ability to or chooses not to

engage in sexual intercourse which will result in procreation. Such men

are usually sterile, though they may choose to be sexually active. Ancient

societies distinguished between natural eunuchs and eunuchs who were

created through various kinds of castration. The term ‘natural eunuch’ or

‘eunuch by nature’ referred to individuals, male or female, young or old

who elected to remain celibate throughout their lives. It could also refer to

men who were born with underdeveloped sexual organs due to chromosomal

abnormalities, rare genetic conditions like 5alpha-Reductase Deficiency and

Klinefelter Syndrome. In some ancient societies natural eunuchs who had

defective genitalia were destroyed at birth. In others, like Byzantine society,

natural eunuchs were revered. Many Byzantine churchmen believed that

God had freed these men from the troublesome sinfulness of sexual congress.

In India natural eunuchs with deformed genitalia were turned over to a

special eunuch community, the hijra, for rearing. While natural eunuchs

appear in modern society, they are now difficult to identify because surgery

and testosterone treatments ‘normalize’ their condition.

The majority of eunuchs are men who have been intentionally castrated

or suffered a severe genital injury. Castration, like eunuch, is a very broad

term. It can refer to the removal of the testicles, the removal of all the male

sexual organs, or, in modern times, the use of drugs that destroy testosterone.

496 . Eunuchs in Historical Perspective

© 2007 The Author History Compass 5/2 (2007): 495–506, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2006.00379.x

Journal Compilation © 2007 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

Drug or chemical castration is sometimes used to ‘cure’ serial sex offenders.

Recently new testosterone destroying drugs have proven to be an effective

treatment for advanced prostate cancer in elderly patients who cannot

withstand surgery.

Types of castration vary from one society to another and from one

historical period to another. We find examples of eunuchs whose scrotum

and penis were removed (total ablation) in order to create an individual

who resembles a woman, while not being a woman. Some of these eunuchs,

who often died as a result of the surgery, were intended to serve as objects

of sexual pleasure in brothels. Others were destined to serve women. Chinese

and Islamic cultures frowned on expressions of sexual pleasure of any kind

between women of the court and their servants, making total ablation

necessary. Candidates for service at court in China were required to display

their severed and preserved genitalia as proof of total ablation. Total ablation

is a drastic kind of surgery, yet it was the most common type of castration

practiced among the Chinese. They were skilled and had developed surgical

procedures that had a relatively low mortality rate. The eunuchs who served

in the inner courts of the Islamic world were also totally castrated. Referred

to as the ‘Black Eunuchs’, most of them were brought from Africa as part

of an active slave trade. They were usually castrated in Africa, near ports of

debarkation or in specialized castration centers in Egypt. Mortality rates for

these castrates were very high.

A more common type of castration involves the destruction of the testicles

alone. This can be accomplished by removing them from the scrotal sack

or through ligature – tying off the base of the scrotal sack so that the testicles

atrophy. This surgery is understood by most cultures that deal with large

animal husbandry. Castration of this sort was practiced on adult men and

pre-adolescent boys, with very different results.

Adult castration was usually a punishment. From antiquity until modern

times soldiers have castrated their fallen enemies and governments (or

community vigilantes, as in the famous case of the castration of Peter

Abelard)1 have used castration as a punishment for sexual transgressions. Adult

slaves might also be castrated to improve their market value or to prepare

them for positions traditionally held by eunuchs.

Childhood castration, castration before puberty, was done in hopes of

creating an individual who was significantly different from a normal man.

Boys castrated before puberty developed a distinctive appearance and perhaps

a distinctive personality. Because they never completed normal puberty and

missed the developmental changes brought about by the adolescent phase

of testosterone production, men castrated as children remained beardless

with fresh, clear complexions and had patterns of fat deposition characteristic

of women. The epiphysial plates, that is the growth plates, in their long

bones did not close at puberty, resulting in an individual with unusually

long arms and legs and a tall, though frail stature. The bones of the lower

face did not mature, resulting in a triangular face with a small chin. Their

© 2007 The Author History Compass 5/2 (2007): 495–506, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2006.00379.x

Journal Compilation © 2007 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

Eunuchs in Historical Perspective . 497

hair was thick and luxuriant and did not fall out as they aged. Their voices

remained high pitched, and their musical ability was admired and cultivated

in Europe from the fourth into the nineteenth centuries. While these

eunuchoid characteristics are not necessarily aesthetically favored today, they

have been appreciated in some cultures in the past. Prepubescent castrates

acted as courtiers in Hellenistic, Byzantine, Muslim, and Chinese courts. In

cultures that admired the beauty of boys at the cusp of manhood, castration

offered a way of preserving their appearance, if only for a time. The beautiful

soprano voices of castrated men were recognized and appreciated as early

as the fourth century. Castrated singers performed in both church and court

settings in the Byzantine world, a tradition that continued in the west until

the nineteenth century.

Eunuchs usually suffered from long-term medical problems as a result of

castration. Chinese and Muslim eunuchs who had suffered total ablation

were fitted with a small lead pipe that kept the urethra open after the removal

of the penis. This frequently led to lifelong urinary tract problems. In these

cultures pejorative rhetoric often mentions the foul odor that surrounds the

eunuch’s body. Even eunuchs who had been deprived of only their testicles,

and thus testosterone production, suffered from premature aging,

osteoporosis, diseases of the heart and circulatory system, and diabetes.

Eunuchs were sterile and most, but not all, of them lost all interest in sexual

activity. The sexual abilities/disabilities of eunuchs were regularly debated

in the literature of all the cultures that had eunuch servants.

Historically eunuchs could be found in many parts of the Africa, Asia,

and Mediterranean Europe. In China they can be documented as early as

the Shang dynasty (1765–1222 BC). By the Later Han dynasty (AD 25–219)

they were an important element of Chinese government, but later were

repressed. Another apogee of eunuch power appears in the Tang dynasty

(618–906), followed again by decline. By the end of the fifteenth century,

during the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644), it has been estimated that there were

10,000 eunuchs serving in the Forbidden City, the closed political and

courtly nerve center of the Chinese Empire. In 1644, the beginning of the

Quing dynasty, this number had risen to 100,000.2

Most Chinese eunuchs were drawn from poor families that castrated their

children in order to help them attain a secure position at court. Others were

drawn from among those punished through judicial castration. As the

Chinese Empire grew eunuchs were increasingly drawn from outlying

provinces, often as diplomatic gifts. At the end of the fourteenth century,

when the Mongols were pushed out of China, beautiful castrated boys were

sent as diplomatic gifts from Korea, the Annam and Ryukyu Islands,

Cambodia, Central Asia, Siam, and Okinawa.3 In China eunuchs’ roles seem

to be associated with the court and its administrative and ceremonial

functions. They also commonly acted as the servants and guardians of

women. In the Ming period they held important posts in virtually every

part of the government.

498 . Eunuchs in Historical Perspective

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There is evidence, though disputed by some scholars, that eunuchs served

as courtiers in the Neo-Assyrian Empire (934–610 BC). There were certainly

eunuchs in Ancient Egypt and in the later Persian Empire, and the practice

of making and having eunuch servants was continued in the Hellenistic and

Roman worlds. Eunuchs were very important in the Late Roman world

and in Christian Byzantium centered on the court at Constantinople. The

Byzantines bought eunuchs from tribal peoples along the Black Sea coast

and in the Caucasus Mountains. Abchasia, on the eastern coast of the Black

Sea, is frequently mentioned as a source of eunuchs. Later eunuchs were

brought from Slavic lands and even from Western Europe. Although the

mythology that Christians did not castrate was fiercely maintained, and

legislation provided severe penalties for those who performed castrations, it

is clear that castration was regularly practiced in the Byzantine world. The

practice was partially protected by legislation that allowed castration

for medical reasons, more specifically, hernia. In Byzantium eunuchs

served at court, in large aristocratic households, and in churches and

monasteries. Although Byzantium did not have the kind of elaborate harem

structure that is later found in Muslim courts, eunuchs were prized as

guardians of women and children and personal servants for both men and

women.

While eunuchs were not a prominent feature in early Islam, the Islamic

world adopted the practice of having eunuch servants from earlier Near

Eastern cultures. As Islam spread west across North Africa, southern Spain,

and southern Italy and Sicily the custom of having eunuch servants was

carried with it. Eunuchs served as trusted servants at court and in the harem

and as guardians of Islam’s most sacred shrines. Black eunuchs were brought

from Africa by way of Egypt. White eunuchs from Western Europe and

Slavic lands were purchased at slave markets, brought to Spain for castration,

then shipped east. Others, castrated in Byzantium and captured in war, were

sent to serve in Islamic courts in the East.4 The practice of having eunuch

servants still exists in modern Islam. As of 1990, thirty-one elderly eunuch

tomb guards were still serving at shrines in Mecca and Medina.

While castration was often involuntary, we also have extensive evidence

that men long have castrated themselves or had themselves castrated for

religious reasons, and this practice continues into modern times. Castrated

priests served the mother goddess Cybele, a very old cult the Greeks adopted

from the Phrygians about 700 BC. Texts that refer to self-castration among

cult members date from the fourth and fifth centuries BC, and suggest

that ritual self-castration was required for membership in the cult’s

priesthood. The cult flourished in ‘holy cities’ like Hierapolis in Asia Minor,

where eunuch priests guarded holy shrines. In 204 BC the cult of Cybele,

the mother goddess, her castrated companion, Attis, and her eunuch priests

who were called galli, was brought to Rome. Although conservative Romans

were not happy with this addition to their pantheon, the worship of the

Cybele became very popular at Rome.

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Eunuchs in Historical Perspective . 499

Ritual castration appears among some early Christian communities,

especially those with a severely dualistic view of the natural world, one that

saw human sexuality and reproduction as the work of the devil. For these

individuals castration offered a way to halt the imprisonment of new souls

in an evil world. Other early Christian men had themselves castrated so that

they could minister to women in their congregations. These seem to have

been Origen’s5 motives for his own castration. While castration continued

to appear among Christian communities, it was never officially condoned

by the church. Many early Christian monks and nuns were referred to as

eunuchs, but we have no way of knowing whether this is a reference to

their celibacy or their physical condition. We know, however, that castration

was relatively common among monks and churchmen of the Byzantine

world. The lives of Byzantine saints talk about children destined for the

religious life who were castrated at their parents’ request in preparation for

entering monasteries or special schools that trained them to serve as musicians

or church functionaries. Several important leaders of the eastern church

were eunuchs. The hagiographical writings associated with this tradition

make it clear that, despite legal prohibitions, castration in preparation

for a religious career had become an accepted practice by the nineth

century in Byzantium. During the Middle Ages, in both Eastern and

Western Europe, a common theme in the writing of the lives of Saints

describes a dream in which the saint is castrated and thus relieved of all

sexual desires.6

In the eighteenth century a self-castrating Christian cult, the Skoptsy,

appeared in Russia. Elite cult members practiced total ablation, seeing it as

a mark of holiness.7 Their motivations were not unlike those of the early

Christians who wanted to depopulate a world ruled by demonic forces. The

cult was not suppressed until the twentieth century. As recently as the 1990s

voluntary castration appeared among members of the Heaven’s Gate cult in

the United States.

A religiously based cult practicing self-castration known as the hijra has

been known in India since the second century BC. Traditionally the cult

provided a refuge for male children born with malformed sexual organs and

intersexual children. The hijra community is dedicated to the Hindu goddess,

Bahuchara Mata. Cult members are believed to have the power to bring

fertility to marital unions and good luck to new-born children. Like the

Skoptsy many hijras have themselves castrated in order to demonstrate the

depth of their religious commitment. The hijras traditionally support themselves

by singing and dancing at weddings. More recently some members have

begun to support themselves through prostitution, though this is frowned

on by older, more traditional members of hijra communities. The cult

continues to exist today – a member of a hijra community recently ran for

a high political office in India. In modern India membership in a hijra

community has offered a refuge for intersexuals, cross-dressers and

individuals who wish to change their sexual orientation.8

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All historical eunuchs were ambiguous figures. They were necessary to

the smooth functioning of society, yet they were often despised. Their

appearance was admired, yet that same appearance offered men a frightening

reminder of the fragility of their own sexuality. They were objects of desire

yet at the same time many found them to be repulsive. In the Late Antique

and Byzantine worlds the very language used about eunuchs was ambiguous,

and shared terminology with language used about both magicians and angels.

Whether drawn from slave or free communities, eunuchs were expected

to distance themselves from their natal families and concentrate their loyalties

on a master or patron. This is clearly articulated in Chinese, Byzantine, and

Islamic societies. Because eunuchs were traditionally separated from their

familial backgrounds, the idea grew up that they existed outside of normal

space and time. Their place of birth or time of death are rarely discussed in

our written sources. In general (and there are a few outstanding exceptions

to this rule) their natal families are never mentioned. Eunuchs existed outside

of the normal patriarchal family structure and they did not experience the

usual milestones of masculine life: birth, puberty, marriage, fatherhood, and

death. This reinforced their distinctive nature and suggested that they might

be able to cross spiritual boundaries.

In many cultures, and especially those that put religious value on enforced

celibacy, eunuchs were believed to be able to cross the boundary between

the material and spiritual worlds. This was especially true of Late Antique

and Byzantine society, where many literary sources regularly confused

eunuchs with angels. In these societies angels were painted with beardless,

eunuchoid faces and presented in roles that paralleled those assigned to

eunuchs at the Byzantine court: ceremonial escorts, messengers, official

representatives of higher authorities. In saints’ lives eunuchs escort the saint

to heaven, but cannot enter because they are not angels, they are mortals,

yet mortals of a special sort. In Islamic literature eunuchs are able to enter

the Prophet’s tomb, while whole men, no matter how holy, suffer blindness

or death if they attempt to enter this sacred place.9 In Islam, Byzantium and

China eunuchs regularly appear as guardians of tombs and other sacred

places. In India many of the ideas that support castration among the hijras

are based on Vedic traditions that teach that castration brings spiritual

power.10

Eunuchs played liminal roles in society. That is they were able to operate

at the boundaries between widely divided social groups. In all societies that

have eunuchs we find that they mediated between men and women, the

rich and the poor and served as guardians of the young and helpless. At court

they controlled the regalia that defined imperial authority, thus mediating

between the physical and spiritual signs of an emperor’s ruling power. Since

they controlled the imperial regalia, they had a great deal of influence in the

selection and validation of a new political leader. In Byzantium, China,

and Islam rulers were closely guarded and were separated from the rest of

society. Their residences were sacrosanct. Eunuchs inevitably served as

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Eunuchs in Historical Perspective . 501

guardians of these imperial spaces. The keeper of the door was always a

eunuch.

Eunuchs were assumed to be unfailingly loyal to their masters or

patrons. This was true of eunuchs in Byzantium, China, and Islam. They

could also act as surrogates for their masters, and usually suffered for their

masters’ mistakes. In my own work, which centers on the eunuchs of the

Byzantine court, I have suggested that they were castrated, acculturated,

and educated to become perfect servants.

Most sources that describe eunuchs suggest that they have unusual

personalities and talents. While it is easy to dismiss this as pejorative writing,

we need to test this assumption against modern scientific theories. Modern

neuroscientific research suggests that testosterone deprivation at puberty

might affect the developing adolescent brain, creating an individual with

specific talents and limitations. Historically eunuchs were certainly assumed

to have specific talents, to be skilled at organizational tasks like bookkeeping,

secretarial work, and accounting. Because of their liminal qualities they often

served as teachers, physicians, and guardians of women and children. Many

eunuchs were famous as military leaders, but when they were praised it was

for their fairness, strategical skill, and organizational abilities, not their courage.

While little comparative research on eunuchs has been attempted, if we

examine the structures of the great courts of the Middle Ages and the Early

Modern periods we find that there are remarkable parallels between the

positions assigned to eunuchs in the Chinese, Byzantine, and Muslim courts.

In China virtually all the men employed in the palace were eunuchs. They

handled all palace ceremonial, construction and repairs, guarded the imperial

records, decrees, and seals, supervised the preparation of meals, making and

cleaning of imperial clothing, the care of all animals connected with the

court, did the housekeeping, staffed the imperial messenger service and the

palace gates, prepared and distributed imperial gifts, and educated and

provided medical treatment for the imperial family. By the Ming period

their role had extended to service in the army and navy, the collection of

tribute, the making and supervision of armaments, the management of

imperial farms, estates, tombs, and shrines outside the city, and the

supervision of every pass, security point, trading post, and sacred mountain

in the country. They were infamous for their role in the imperial secret

service.11

In Byzantium the task of running the great palace at Constantinople was

shared with whole men. Specific court positions, however, were reserved

for eunuchs. They held the washing bowl in which the emperor washed

his hands and they ceremonially purified his food with drops of water.

They served him in his private quarters and attended him on ceremonial

occasions. Armed, they escorted him on parade. They guarded the palace

doors. They supervised the palace servants and were responsible for the

clothing and furnishings in the palace. They guarded the key to the oratory

of St. Theodore where the most important imperial regalia and insignia

502 . Eunuchs in Historical Perspective

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Journal Compilation © 2007 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

were stored. They served the emperor at his table, organized imperial

banquets, greeted guests and seated them at the table, orchestrated

entertainment, and saw to the emperor’s personal comfort. They cared for

the emperor’s wardrobe, dressed him and put on and took off his imperial

crown, an elaborate ceremonial that could not be viewed by any whole man

other than the Patriarch.12 They watched over the women and children of

the imperial family, playing a major role in the ceremony at which the

imperial heir received his first haircut. In China there is a similar ‘first haircut’

ceremony presided over by a eunuch. They educated the imperial children,

each of whom developed his or her own corps of personal servants, all of

whom were eunuchs. Eunuchs were frequently selected to serve on

diplomatic missions as surrogates for the emperor. They managed imperial

properties outside Constantinople. Many eunuchs used their wealth to

endow churches, monasteries, and other philanthropic establishments. Others

funded cultural activities.

The roles of the eunuchs of the Grand Seraglio in Istanbul, the center of

power for the Ottoman Empire, closely resembled those of the eunuchs of

the Byzantine court. The physical nature of these eunuchs, however, was

different. While the Byzantine eunuchs were only partially castrated,

Mohammed the Conqueror, when he took the city of Constantinople in

1453, demanded that all the eunuchs of the inner court be fully castrated

following Islamic custom. The eunuchs in the Grand Seraglio were in charge

of the handling, supervision, and guardianship of all of the ruler’s money

and property. They cared for his wardrobe, food and drink, and horses. They

supervised his harem and ran his messenger service. They served as educators,

envoys, secretaries, and judges. Like their counterparts in the Byzantine

world they were pious and philanthropic. Many were hadith transmitters

and recorded court ceremonial traditions.13

Since eunuchs cannot have progeny, how are these elaborate communities

of eunuchs maintained? In China there were important incentives for

castration. It was a substitute for capital punishment. For the poor, especially

during times of poverty, castration offered a path to economic security, an

alternative to the career path followed by the scholars who sought success

through the civil service examination. Castration was frowned upon within

the Confucian tradition, but, for the desperately poor, it was an option.

Additional eunuchs were brought from the Chinese provinces, often as

tribute or diplomatic gifts. There were always enough available eunuchs to

fill the needs of the court.

The supply of eunuchs in Muslim courts was directly dependent on the

success of the slave trade. Children or young boys were castrated well before

puberty, then brought to serve in Islamic courts. In general the Muslims did

not castrate their own children and criticized the Byzantines for doing so.

Not surprisingly the Byzantines leveled the same charge against the

Muslims. As long as the slave trade continued there were eunuchs available

to fill the needs of the court.

© 2007 The Author History Compass 5/2 (2007): 495–506, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2006.00379.x

Journal Compilation © 2007 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

Eunuchs in Historical Perspective . 503

In Late Antiquity and the early Byzantine empire, eunuchs often were

purchased from slave dealers. By the ninth century, however, there is

increasing evidence that young boys were being castrated within Byzantine

territories and sent to court for further training and, later, employment at

court. There is scattered evidence that seems to indicate that senior eunuchs

at court recruited promising young men for service. Once at court, the

senior eunuch would serve as the young eunuch’s patron, helping him to

build his career. We see here a kind of social reproduction. Although the

castration of a citizen was technically illegal, Christian teachings that favored

the celibate life gave castration and enforced celibacy an aura of acceptability,

especially in religious circles. There is no indication that the Byzantines ever

lacked sufficient eunuchs to staff the court.

It is interesting that there are so many cultural parallels among societies

that castrate men and then create specialized positions for them within the

court and aristocratic society. It would be interesting to look for links

between these traditions. Likewise the idea that celibacy brings spiritual

power is very widespread in religious systems of the Middle East, suggesting

a commonality between the hijra, galli, the early Christian sects that practiced

castration, and the skoptsi.

All of this brings us to the most important historical question about

eunuchs which is ‘Why eunuchs?’ In this article I have dealt with two

different castration traditions and each would answer this question in its own

way. Some religious systems believe that sexuality and fertility belong to a

lesser material world, or even an evil material world that is set in opposition

to a spiritual world. For those who think in this way castration becomes a

way of leaving the material world and accessing the power of the spiritual

world. The sacrifice that is represented by castration offers a very special

kind of status, whether it be the holiness of a Christian monk or the good

luck offered by a hijra.

The great courts of China, Islam, and Byzantium all were ruled by absolute

monarchs and were constructed to protect them from danger and outside

intrusion. Isolated from their subjects, these rulers took on an almost sacral

aura. Power lay with the ruler and those who were allowed to share his

sacred space. It was important that those who had proximity to the ruler be

totally loyal to the ruler alone and unable to procreate children or advance

members of their own families who might threaten the succession to the

throne. In the Byzantine case there is the added spirituality/magicality that

is ascribed to the eunuch because of his enforced celibacy. Within these

structures, castration could become a road to wealth and power.

Short Biography

Dr Kathryn M. Ringrose is a lecturer in history at the University of

California, San Diego. She has written extensively on Byzantine monks,

eunuchs, and court life.

504 . Eunuchs in Historical Perspective

© 2007 The Author History Compass 5/2 (2007): 495–506, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2006.00379.x

Journal Compilation © 2007 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

Notes

* Correspondence address: University of California, San Diego – History Department, Humanities

and Social Sciences Building, Room 5016, 9500 Gilman Drive MC0104, San Diego, CA

92093-0104, USA. Email: kringrose@ucsd.edu.

1 Peter Abelard (1079–1142), philosopher and monk, was castrated as a punishment for his indiscrete

conduct with his student, Heloise.

2 S. H. Tsai,
JesusA (imported) wrote: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm The Eunuchs in the Ming Dynasty (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press,

1996), 11.

3 Ibid., 15.

4 P. Scholz,
JesusA (imported) wrote: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm Eunuchs and Castrati: A Cultural History
(Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener Publishers,

2001), vi.

5 Origen, a prominent philosopher and theologian, was born about 185 AD, probably in Alexandria

in Egypt.

6 J. Murray,‘Mystical Castration: Some Reflections on Peter Abelard, Hugh of Lincoln and Sexual

Control’, in J. Murray (ed.), Conflicted Identities and Multiple Masculinities (New York, NY: Garland

Press, 1999), 73–91.

7 L. Engelstein,
JesusA (imported) wrote: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm Castration and the Heavenly Kingdom: A Russian Folktale (Ithaca, NY: Cornell

University Press,
1999), 11–24.

8 S. Nanda, Neither Man nor Woman: The Hijra of India (New York, NY: Wadsworth Press, 1990);

R. Gayatri,‘With Respect to Sex: Charting Hijra Identity in Hyderabad, India’, Ph.D. dissertation

(Emory University, 2000).

9 S. Marmon,
JesusA (imported) wrote: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm Eunuchs and Sacred Boundaries in Islamic Society
(Oxford: Oxford University Press,

1995), 48.

10 Gayatri,‘With Respect to Sex’, 98.

11 Tsai, Eunuchs in Ming, 30–110.

12 The primate of the Christian church in the Eastern Mediterranean. He lived in a palace close

to the imperial palace in Constantinople.

13 D. Ayalon, Eunuchs, Caliphs and Sultans: A Study of Power Relationships (Israel: The Magnes

Press,The Hebrew University, 1999), 330.

Bibliography

Anderson, M.,
JesusA (imported) wrote: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm Hidden Power: The Palace Eunuchs of Imperial China
(Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books,

1990).

Ayalon, D., Eunuchs, Caliphs and Sultans: A Study of Power Relationships (Israel:The
JesusA (imported) wrote: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm Magnes Press,

The Hebrew University,
1999).

Brower, G., ‘Ambivalent Bodies: Making Christian Eunuchs’, Ph.D. dissertation (Duke University,

1996).

Engelstein, L.,
JesusA (imported) wrote: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm Castration and the Heavenly Kingdom: A Russian Folktale (Ithaca, NY: Cornell

University Press,
1999).

Finucci,V.,
JesusA (imported) wrote: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm The Manly Masquerade: Masculinity, Paternity, and Castration in the Italian Renaissance

(Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2003).

Gayatri, R.,‘With Respect to Sex: Charting Hijra Identity in Hyderabad, India’, Ph.D. dissertation

(Emory University, 2000).

Kuefler, M. S., ‘
JesusA (imported) wrote: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm Castration and Eunuchism in the Middle Ages
’, in Vern L. Bullough and James

A. Brundage (eds.),
JesusA (imported) wrote: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm Handbook of Medieval Sexuality
(New York, NY: Garland Pubishing, Inc.,

1996), 279–306.

——,
JesusA (imported) wrote: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm The Manly Eunuch: Masculinity, Gender Ambiguity, and Christian Ideology in Late Antiquity

(Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2001).

Marmon, S.,
JesusA (imported) wrote: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm Eunuchs and Sacred Boundaries in Islamic Society
(Oxford: Oxford University Press,

1995).

Murray, J.,‘Mystical Castration: Some Reflections on Peter Abelard, Hugh of Lincoln and Sexual

Control’, in Jacqueline Murray (ed.), Conflicted Identities and Multiple Masculinities: Men in the

Medieval West (New York, NY: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1999).

Nanda, S., Neither Man nor Woman: The Hijra of India (New York, NY: Wadsworth Press, 1990).

© 2007 The Author History Compass 5/2 (2007): 495–506, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2006.00379.x

Journal Compilation © 2007 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

Eunuchs in Historical Perspective . 505

Ringrose, K.,‘
JesusA (imported) wrote: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm Living in the Shadows: Eunuchs and Gender in Byzantium
’, in Gilbert Herdt (ed.),

Third Sex
JesusA (imported) wrote: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm Third Gender: Beyond Sexual Dimorphism in Culture and History
(New York, NY: Zone

Books, 1994), 85–109.

——,
JesusA (imported) wrote: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm The Perfect Servant: Eunuchs and the Social Construction of
Gender in the Byzantine Empire

(Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2003).

Scholz, P.,
JesusA (imported) wrote: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm Eunuchs and Castrati: A Cultural History
(Princeton: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2001).

Tougher, S., ‘Byzantine Eunuchs: An Overview,
JesusA (imported) wrote: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm With Special Reference to Their Creation and

Origin
’, in L. James (ed.),
JesusA (imported) wrote: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm Women, Men and Eunuchs: Gender in Byzantium
(London: Routledge,

1997), 168–184.

——, The Eunuch in Byzantine History and Society (working title) (London: Routledge, forthcoming).

Tsai, S. H.,
JesusA (imported) wrote: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm The Eunuchs in the Ming Dynasty (New York, NY: State University of New York

Press, 1996).

Wyke, M. (ed.), Gender and the Body in the Ancient Mediterranean (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers,

1998).

506 . Eunuchs in Historical Perspective

© 2007 The Author History Compass 5/2 (2007): 495–506, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2006.00379.x

Journal Compilation © 2007 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

Re: Books on castration and eunuchs

Posted: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:30 pm
by vesal_mas (imported)
The Last Days of the Castrato

Ted Dougherty

August 31, 2005

School 16 – Music History

MA Comprehensive Exam Essay

1

For more than a century, castrated singers dominated the landscape of opera. Indeed, their

popularity far transcended the art form itself, making them the rock stars of their age. Once their

hegemony began waning, however, it didn’t take long for them to be replaced entirely by other

voice types. There are many contributing factors to their departure from the opera stage, but the

crucial difference between the castrato voice and other voices was that the castrato could not

evolve with the changing times. They were their voices. Their lives were irreversibly devoted to

their style of singing. The female bel canto singer was, to be sure, replaced just as completely as

was the castrato, and women certainly did not disappear from the stage—quite the opposite! But

the castrati were products of their time, and when the musical, philosophical, and social climate

moved beyond them, they no longer had a reason to be.

The practice of castration originated in ancient times and survived to a small degree

throughout medieval Europe. In the Catholic Church in the sixteenth century, women were

forbidden from singing (or speaking) in church, so the high vocal parts in the choirs were taken

by choirboys, male falsettists, and a few castrated monks.1 In Spain in the latter sixteenth

century a small group of castrati became well known for their singing, and Spanish castrati soon

spread beyond the Iberian peninsula and into the Papal choir in Rome.2 The power and clarity of

the castrato sound soon came to be preferred by many, including Pope Clement VIII. Thus, even

though castration was banned by Catholic doctrine and punishable by excommunication, their

numbers multiplied in the Papal chapel and before long they replaced the falsettists entirely. 3

The economic crash in Italy in 1620 lead to a sizeable increase in monastic orders, which

secured a living for many lower- and middle-class families, and there soon followed a

1 John Rosselli, Singers of Italian Opera (Cambridge University Press, 1992): 34.

2 Patrick Barbier, The World of the Castrati: the history of an extraordinary operatic phenomenon, Margaret

Crosland, trans. (London: Souvenir, 1996): 8-9.

2

corresponding proliferation of professional church choirs.4 As the demand for singers increased,

parents began to see the castration of their sons for careers in church music as an additional

means of financial security for their families.

Although the increase in the castrati’s numbers coincided almost exactly with the

development of opera, there is no obvious causal relationship either way. 5 In Rome and the

Papal States, where women were still forbidden from the stage, church castrati found work in

opera performing the female roles.6 The castrati became more and more popular among opera

goers due in part to the general Baroque taste for artificiality, the singers’ curiosity-provoking

sexual ambiguity, and above all the unique qualities of the voices which could not be replicated

by women or uncastrated men. 7 There also developed a particular fondness among the public for

higher voices, which were better able to execute the florid style of Baroque vocal writing. 8 As

Italian parents of modest means witnessed the surging popularity of the castrati in opera, the

temptation to emasculate their sons became even more pronounced, thus augmenting the supply

of castrati to feed the ever-rising demand.9 This upward spiral lead to a wild national obsession

with the castrato voice that would endure for more than a century.

In spite of their singular prominence in Italy from the mid-seventeenth to the mideighteenth

centuries, the castrato’s disappearance came as suddenly as had their emergence. The

castrato’s art was inextricably linked to the musical style of the late Baroque, with its filigreed,

freely ornamented melodies. As musical styles inevitably changed, the art of singing needed to

adapt, and by this time the institutions in which the castrati spent their lives training were

3 Enid Rhodes Peschel and Richard E. Peschel, "Medicine and music : the castrati in opera ,” Opera Quarterly

4,4 (1986/87): 21.

4 Rosselli, 35.

5 Rosselli, 33.

6 Rosselli, 41.

7 Barbier, 91-2.

8 Barbier, 91.

3

thoroughly entrenched in the old style. As contemporary opera became less well-suited to their

craft, the stigma that followed the m, which they had always had to endure to some degree, began

to overtake the high regard for them as artists by the public. Ridicule of the castrati became

more open and hostile which, along with decreasing financial prospects, made becoming a

castrato singer even less attractive to young boys and their families. The turbulent social and

political climate of the late eighteenth century finally put an official end to the practice, heralding

the last days of the castrato.

As with any immensely popular artistic style the pendulum of musical taste began swinging

towards the opposite extreme, and in the middle of the eighteenth century the vocal acrobatics

for which the castrati received their wild ovations came under fire from those who took opera

more seriously. Enlightenment philosophers who were interested in the arts spoke out against

such musical abuses and for dramatic truth in opera, launching the guerre des bouffons, a

pamphlet war in which opera seria was pitted against opera buffa.10 The operatic reforms

initiated by Christoph Willibald Gluck in the 1760’s were aimed at eliminating the excesses that

had come to dominate opera seria and bring a foundation of dramatic cohesion back to the

genre. While Gluck's reforms were not aimed at eliminating the castrati—his Orfeo ed Euridice,

largely credited as the beginning of the reform, owed its success largely to castrato Gaetano

Guadagni in the role of Orfeo—he did try to break the tradition of singers run amuck, of which

the superstar castrati were the principal exponents.11 Guadagni, however, was not the typical

castrato. He had little formal training, was most notable for singing oratorio for Handel in

London, and became a fine actor under the instruction of the greatest actor of the age, David

9 Barbier, 20.

10 Richard Somerset-Ward, Angels and
JesusA (imported) wrote: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm Monsters: Male and Female Sopranos in the Story of Opera, 1600-

1900 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004): 82.

11 Somerset-Ward, 80.

4

Garrick. He "was thus singularly well equipped to provide the composer with both the musical

and dramatic performance he was looking for."12 It is ironic, however, that the singer perhaps

most responsib le for ushering in the end of the castrati’s reign was himself a famous castrato.

At their height the famous castrati could be seen in operatic productions in all the major

countries in western Europe, with one exception: France had never accepted castrati, and never

would. Since Lully began writing operas in the mid-seventeenth century the French had been

developing their own distinct operatic style, which evolved in isolation in the French courts and

palaces. French listeners valued the contrast between high and low registers, and therefore didn't

care for operas in which all the leading roles were sung by high voices.13 This opposed the

widespread taste elsewhere in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries for the upper registers,

which were better suited to florid ornamentation. 14 From the beginning the French seemed to

dislike everything about the castrati, seeing them as an offense against the natural order. Voltaire

summed up the national sentiment through the character Procurante in Candide: "Swoon with

pleasure if you wish or if you can at the sight of a eunuch warbling the roles of Caesar and Cato

and walking about the stage in a clumsy fashion. As for me, I long ago gave up these miserable

performances which today constitute the glory of Italy and are paid for so dearly by

sovereigns."15 Thus when foreign operas were performed in Paris the roles traditionally sung by

castrati were given to women or, as with Gluck’s Orfeo, rewritten for a natural male voice.16

The practice of other voice types replacing castrati had therefore already been well established

by the time the castrato began vanishing.

12 Somerset-Ward, 81.

13 Sheila Hodges, “A Nest of Nightingales,” The Music Review 54, 2 (May 1993): 84.

14 Barbier, 91.

15 Voltaire, Candide, ch. 25, quoted in Barbier, 223-4.

16 Somerset-Ward, 81.

5

By the century’s last decades, the formulaic opera seria compositions that had devolved into

little more than showcases for star singers were beginning to fall out of favor. Opera buffa, with

its portrayal of more mundane, earthy, comic situations than the heroic and classical themes of

opera seria, was more attuned to the brewing revolutionary spirit; many of the plots involved the

friction between the social classes, with the aristocracy usually receiving its comeuppance. The

trend away from Metastasian opera seria and towards opera buffa (a genre from which castrati

were almost entirely excluded) prompted prominent composers like Gluck, Salieri, Cimarosa,

and Mozart to favor operas in the comic style.17

The rise of opera buffa gained momentum with the help of Rossini's popularity in the early

nineteenth century.18 While Rossini continued to write opere serie—indeed, he reworked the

form into what would become the model for Italian opera for half a century—he only wrote one

leading role for a castrato. Giovanni Battista Velluti sang Rossini's Aureliano in Palmira in

1813, but infuriated the composer with the liberties he took in embellishing the score.19 The

castrati's virtuosic art of improvised embellishments were no longer acceptable in the nineteenth

century, prompting Rossini to begin writing out all of the ornamentation in his vocal parts.

Following this incident, Rossini insisted that all of the high roles in his opere serie be sung by

women.20 While opera seria in some form may have survived into the nineteenth century, the

subjects drifted away from the stories of antiquity and mythology towards more personal dramas.

As Barbier observes, “The true 'death' of the castrati had occurred at the start of the nineteenth

17 Somerset-Ward, 83.

18 Hodges, 93.

19 Hodges, 93.

20 Barbier, 233.

6

century, when opera had replaced the 'gods' by the 'divas', and romanticism had supplanted the

last surviving traces of the baroque world."21

As the first half of the eighteenth cent ury ended, the dire financial conditions which had

driven Italian families to castrate their boys were improving. 1730 began a period of economic

recovery in Italy, giving young men better prospects than being committed to a life of church

singing. 22 Indeed, overall membership in the monastic orders declined steeply, which meant

fewer choirs and hence less opportunity for church singers in general.23 Thus, even at the height

of their operatic dominance, the prospects for castrati singers began looking bleak, and the

number of parents choosing castration for their sons decreased even further. While making one's

son a church singer had carried a reasonable expectation of financial reward and high social

status, castrating him in the hope of his becoming an opera singer was much riskier.24 By 1740,

the castrati’s numbers had begun a marked decline that would continue through the rest of the

century. 25 Concurrently, the infrastructure in which these remarkable musicians received their

training began to weaken. In the mid-eighteenth century, a number of Neapolitan conservatories

were closed due to a combination of mismanagement, financial problems, and an increasing

hostility towards castration by Pope Benedict XIV, precipitating a deterioration in the quality of

vocal pedagogy and further dimming the allure of a career as a castrato singer 26

Though they were adored while on the stage, castrated men faced difficult lives filled with

public scorn and ridicule. There were, of course, significant physical repercussions associated

with castration, apart from the most obvious. Castrated men displayed conspicuous

deformities—elongated arms and legs, enlarged breasts, obesity, lack of beard and body hair—

21 Barbier, 240.

22 Rosselli, 55.

23 Rosselli, 50.

24 Rosselli, 55.

7

which increasingly became the objects of mockery. 27 Dispite rumor and legend to the contrary,

the castrati were probably also sexually disabled, as suggested by laboratory research on

castrated mammals.28 As financial security became less assured for a castrato, fewer families

were willing to force their children to endure such a life.

From the early seventeenth century until their disappearance, numerous satires and

pamphlets circulated throughout Europe ridiculing the castrati. 29 According to Todd Gilman,

castrati in London were both admired and reviled, and the revulsion stemmed from a pair of

paradoxical conceptions: their androgyny and their “hypervirility,” or supposed sexual prowess

with women.30 While it’s true that most of the scorn came from elsewhere in Europe where

castration was rare, Italy seemed especially susceptible to outside criticism since it was not a

unified country and had foreign rulers for many of its regions.31

Adding to the stigma was the fact that castration was officially banned by the church canon,

punishable with excommunication, and as a result, the procedure was shrouded in secrecy. No

one admitted to performing the operation, and castrated boys later invented all sorts of medical

rationalizations as to why their castration had been necessary. 32

Still, it is better to be ridiculed than to be pitied. In the nineteenth century, the castrato

began to be seen by the Romantics as a pathetic, suffering figure, as depicted in Balzac's novel,

Sarrasine (1830).33 The ridicule persisted, however. When Velluti sang in London in 1826, the

public there had not heard a castrato for twenty- five years; Heriot relates a story in which one of

25 Rosselli, 40.

26 Barbier, 225.

27 Bergeron, K. "The Castrato as History." Cambridge Opera Journal viii (1996): 173. See also Peschel, 27.

28 Peschel, 30.

29 Barbier, 166.

30 Todd S. Gilmann, “The Italian (Castrato) in London,” in Richard and Daniel Fischlin Della more, ed., The

Work of Opera: Genre, Nationhood, and Sexual Difference (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997): 49-50.

31 Somerset-Ward, 83.

32 Peschel, 23-4.

8

Velluti’s arias contained the phrase “il nostro casto amor” [our chaste love], whereupon an

audience member shouted, “What else could it be?”34

The permissive atmosphere in which Pope Clement VIII justified castration “to the glory of

god” was giving way under increased public revulsion to the practice, reflecting the new ways of

thinking that had begun undermining the established order. When Napoleon first entered Rome

in 1798, he enacted laws which closed monasteries an forbade castration. Although Napoleon

was an open fan of certain castrato singers, he thought the practice of castrating boys was an

abomination of natural law. 35 In 1806 Napoleon’s brother Joseph, then king of Naples, forbade

castrated males from entering the schools, including the famous Naples Conservatory, although

retired castrati singers would continue to teach there for decades.36

While the death knell may have sounded for castrati by the late eighteenth century, they

would continue to be active and appear in some important operas before finally vanishing from

the stage. Following the French Revolution, aristocratic courts preferred to put on productions of

conservative opere serie with castrati than risk opera buffa with its subversive themes.37 In

1791, Leopold II requested castrati for an opera to be performed at his coronation, and from his

list of suggestions he seemed to still have had many names to choose from. 38 The opera

eventually chosen, La Clemenza di Tito, was Mozart’s final opera, written concurrently with Die

Zauberflöte. It was a Metastasian opera seria, and as per Leopold’s request it featured a castrato

in the leading role of Sextus, whose aria “Parti, parti” became the most famous aria in Mozart’s

seria output.39

33 Bergeron, 173.

34 Angus Heriot, The Castrati in Opera (New York : Da Capo Press, 1975): 197.

35 Hodges, 93.

36 Barbier, 227.

37 Somerset-Ward, 83.

38 H.C. Robbins Landon, 1791: Mozart’s Last Year (Thames & Hudson, 1988; Flamingo, 1990): 88.

39 Peschel, 22.

9

The last decades of the eighteenth century saw two castrati achieve fame on par with the

most renown of the previous generation: Luigi Marchesi and Girolamo Crescentini.40 The role

of Romeo in Zingarelli's Giulietta e Romeo (1796) was written for Crescentini, and the opera's

success was largely a result of his involvement.41 Velluti, who had so infuriated Rossini in

Aureliano in 1813, created the role of Armondo in Meyerbeer’s Il crociato in Eggito in 1824.

Meyerbeer thereby composed what would be the last substantial role for castrato, and this only a

few years before his Parisian grand opĂ©ra period.42 “The composer,” Barbier writes of

Meyerbeer, “whose curiosity extended to everything, was trying out a vocal experiment which he

knew would have no future.”43 Long after castrati disappeared from the opera stage they

continued to sing in the church, and occasionally excited the curiosity of later composers.

Domenico Mustafa (1829-1912) was one of the last church castrati employed at the Sistine

Chapel. He was supposedly wanted by Wagner to create the role of Klingsor, the twisted villain

in Parsifal, but nothing ever came of it.44

Castrati were allowed to dominate opera for so long partly because singing on stage was not

considered a respectable profession for women in the eighteenth century. 45 In the late eighteenth

century, however, attitudes began to change, and many traditional castrati roles were being

assigned to female singers. In fact, rivalries were not so much among the castrati as they were

between castrati and women. 46 As the castrati’s numbers began to dwindle, the prominent

female sopranos eagerly filled the vacancies, demonstrating to composers and the public that the

40 Somerset-Ward, 85-6.

41 Heather Hadlock, "On the cusp between past and future: The mezzo-soprano Romeo of Bellini's I Capuleti,"

The Opera Quarterly 17, 3 (Summer 2001): 401.

42Somerset-Ward, 89. See also Peter Giles, The History of the Counter-Tenor, (Aldershot: Scolar Press, 1994):

395.

43 Barbier, 235.

44 Giles, 396.

45 Somerset-Ward, xii.

46 Somerset-Ward, 83.

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castrati were indeed replaceable.47 Just weeks after Mozart’s death in 1792, his sister-in-law,

Aloysia Weber Lange, sang the castrato role of Sextus in the Vienna premiere of La Clemenza di

Tito.48

In 1798 the Pope reversed the ban of women from the stage in Rome and the Papal States,

eliminating the castrati’s last monopoly where they were spared from having to compete with

females.49 The last decades of the eighteenth century saw the usurpation of the castrati from the

top of the operatic pyramid, a time eloquently depicted by Barbier: “In a quarter of a century a

change as rapid as it was inescapable had driven them from their heroic bastions to join the ranks

of ordinary singers, suffering from the vogue for tenors and women singers, as well as from the

decline of opera seria which had been the reason for their existence for nearly two centuries."50

Though there were still some composers writing for castrati in the first decade of the

nineteenth century (e.g. Cherubini, Cimarosa, and Zingarelli, who all wrote for Crescentini), they

were generally thought of as a dying breed.51 When Crescentini stopped singing his most

famous role, Romeo in Zingarelli's opera Giulietta e Romeo, it was taken up by two equally

famous women, Giuditta Pasta and Maria Malibran. 52 Zingarelli's Romeo was more feminine

than the older heroes of opera seria, and women continued to sing the role in revivals, making it

easier for Bellini and Vaccai to later assign the role in their operas on the same subject to mezzosopranos.

53

Though they vanished from the operatic stage early in the nineteenth century, their legacy

continued to exert a significant influence on singing and operatic writing. Many castrati retired

47 Somerset-Ward, 83.

48 Somerset-Ward, 106.

49 Barbier, 227.

50 Barbier, 228.

51 Somerset-Ward, 86.

52 Somerset-Ward, 87.

11

from the stage to teach their art in major conservatories, most notably Crescentini at the Naples

Conservatory (where Bellini was educated) from 1817 until his death in 1846.54 The term bel

canto today usually refers to the genre of Italian opera in the early nineteenth century typified by

the triumvirate of Rossini, Donizetti, and Bellini. The term came to be used later in the century

as new styles brought the old manner of singing under attack, and defenders mourned the loss of

“beautiful singing.” This manner of singing is the same one developed through the long tradition

of rigorous vocal training practiced by the castrati, a technique which emphasized beauty and

evenness of tone, masterful breath control, and flawless execution of the florid passages that

reigned during the Baroque period.55 That this method survived through the more musically

austere classical period—and indeed continued to be valued by many even as musical styles left

bel canto aesthetics far behind—illustrates just how the castrati’s art transcended the age of the

castrati themselves.

The literature on the castrati is surprisingly scant given their dominance in the genre for over

a century, but the secrecy surrounding the practice at the time and the social stigma attached to

the castrati may account for the paucity of contemporary first- hand accounts. The seminal

English-language book on Castrati is Angus Hariot’s The Castrati in Opera; first published in

1956, it gives a good account of the subject given the state of the research at the time, and is

liberally seasoned with evocative contemporary anecdotes. Patrick Barbier’s The World of the

Castrati, a translation from the original 1986 French edition, is a more comprehensive study

incorporating more recent scholarship. Barbier relies heavily on contemporary letters to, from,

and about castrati singers to give as closely as possible a sense of what the lives of these singers

53 Heather Hadlock, "On the Cusp Between Past and Future: The Mezzo-Soprano Romeo of Bellini's I

Capuleti" The Opera Quarterly 17, 3 (Summer 2001): 403.

54 Hodges, 92.

12

were like. The newest book dealing at length with castrati is Richard Somerset-Ward’s Angels

and
JesusA (imported) wrote: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm Monsters: Male and Female Sopranos in the Story of Opera,
released in 2004. While his

larger scope covers all high voices in opera from 1600 to 1900, significant space is given to the

story of the castrati and their place in operatic history.

John Rosselli’s Singers of Italian Opera is an indispensable book focusing on the profession

of opera singing through the ages. His chapter on the castrati is largely taken from his article in

Acta musicologica, “The Castrati as a Professional Group and a Social Phenomenon,” and is the

basis for his article on the subject in The New Grove Encyclopedia of Music. As befits an

encyclopedia entry, his account is very concise and thorough, focusing on the rapid progression

of the castrati from humble monks to superstars to relics. A History of Bel Canto by Rodolfo

Celletti concentrates on vocal technique and pedagogy in Italian opera from the mid-sixteenth to

the mid-eighteenth centuries. He draws from numerous documents, mostly contemporary

manuals by prominent teachers of singing such as Tosi and Garcia, to give a convincing account

of the art of the castrati being passed on to later generations.

Among journal articles, Sheila Hodges’s “A Nest of Nightingales” in The Music Review

gives the most comprehensive overview of the age of the castrati while lyrically depicting the

impression on the European public by some of the most famous singers. “Medicine and Music:

The Castrati in Opera” by Enid Rhodes Peschel and Richard Peschel and printed in Opera

Quarterly gives a standard overview but devotes most of its space to the medical consequences

and social repercussions of the procedure. Katherine Bergeron uses the 1994 film Farinelli as a

point of departure in “The Castrato as History” in The Cambridge Opera Journal. She discusses

the historical accuracy of the film as she surveys the history of the castrato, focusing of course on

55 Don Michael Randel, ed., The New Harvard Dictionary of Music (Harvard University Press, 1986), s.v. “bel

canto.”

13

Carlo Broschi, a.k.a. Farinelli. The Opera News article, “The End of an Era” by Stefan Zucker,

examines the castrato’s disappearance in terms of its effect on vocal writing: once the art of the

castrati stopped being taught, composers could no longer rely on the performer for the necessary

improvisations and had to thence write their own ornamentation. Heather Hadlock’s “On the

Cusp Between Past and Future: The Mezzo-Soprano Romeo of Bellini's I Capuleti” in The

Opera Quarterly examines the adaptation of the role from the model of Zingarelli, who assigned

it to the castrato Crescentini. This serves as an illustration of how the castrati were replaced

through the reconception of the musical and dramatic function of the high- voiced singer.

A favorite topic of discussion has concerned the castrato’s sexual image and what it

represented to those who were fascinated/repulsed by them. Roger Freitas’s recent article in The

Journal of Musicology, “The Eroticism of Emasculation: Confronting the Baroque Body of the

Castrato,” looks at the castrato through the paradigm of recent scholarship in the history of

sexuality. He contends that they were viewed as the embodiment of the ideal lover, and argues

that the roles for which they were used suggest as much. Leopold Silke’a article, “’Not Sex but

Pitch’: Castratos as paramours—For once a perspective that aims above the belt,” offers an

alternative to the castrato’s legendary sexual reputation, namely that their voices were musically

representative of male patterns of conduct at court.

Contemporary accounts of the castrati in letters and memoirs are fairly numerous, and give

us a good idea of the level of their fame as well as some details regarding their art. Most

illuminating are the letters of Charles de Brosses (1709-1777), a cultivated nobleman who would

later become the Président of Burgundy, describing in exhaustive detail his journey through

Italy. The letter he devoted to Italian opera is reprinted in Piero Weiss’s collection, Opera: A

History in Documents. In it Brosses devotes a great deal of ink on his impressions of the castrati

14

he encountered both on and off the stage, describing their voices as having “something dry and

shrill about them,” while he admired them for being “brilliant, light, dazzling, very loud, and

very wide-ranging.”56

56 Piero Weiss, Opera: A History in Documents (Oxford University Press, 2002): 85.

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