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Re: Books on castration and eunuchs

Posted: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:32 pm
by vesal_mas (imported)
1

Kathryn Ringrose
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:29 pm University of California, San Diego,
USA

Perceiving Byzantine Eunuchs Through Modern Medicine

Byzantine eunuchs were perceived by their contemporaries as culturally,

psychologically, and physically distinctive. While eunuchs clearly were not

women, their infertility and distinctive physical appearance distanced

them from the gender construct Byzantine society assigned to adult

males. Byzantine observers routinely described eunuchs using pejorative

terminology, comparing them, unfavorably, to testiculated men. In my

earlier book,
JesusA (imported) wrote: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm The Perfect Servant: Eunuchs and the Social
construction of

Gender in Byzantium, I assumed that most of the pejorative comments

about the physiology and personality of eunuchs were part of a

generalized set of negative attitudes about both eunuchs and women.

More recently I have been prompted to question this assumption and I

have begun to explore current medical literature that deals with the

results of castration or with conditions that are analogous to castration.

This literature focuses on androgens and the effects of androgen therapy

and androgen deprivation on the human body and mind, on dental

research that discusses the changes in the anatomy and appearance of

the face in the absence of certain androgens, and on psychological and

neuroscientific research that explores the changes in the human brain

that take place at puberty.

It is risky to reach historical conclusions based on contemporary

evidence, but in dealing with the topic of Byzantine eunuchs we have two

problems: (1) Our primary sources are few, scattered, and often very

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biased. (2) Our contemporary sources are limited by the fact that, unless

we believe whispers behind closed doors that will probably never be

opened, children are no longer routinely castrated in our modern world.

This rules out the possibility of direct comparison between Byzantine and

modern castrates.

Even so, modern medicine and experimental science may offer some

insights into the topic. In today's world individuals are born with

ambiguous genitalia which is often "corrected", but these children cannot

necessarily serve as a model for the Byzantine eunuch. Men with severe

prostate cancer are often castrated or treated with testosterone

destroying drugs. They can provide a partial model for us, though a

model that only deals with the later years of the adult male life. Finally,

there are a few rare genetic defects that produce males that can be

considered a kind of modern eunuch. Here, however, the literature about

these individuals, who are generally treated with testosterone, is focused

on "correcting" their defect rather than on exploring the results of nontreatment.

Despite these caveats, we can gain some intriguing insights

from today's medical and biological sciences.

Most studies of Byzantine eunuchs assert that the act of

castration, that is the removal of the testicles, penis, or both, deprives

the body of testosterone and thus changes the physical nature of the

individual. While this is an obvious truism, modern medical research

indicates that this approach is much too simplistic. A brief summary of

the findings of this research will facilitate further discussion of a number

of points.

The differentiation of the male and female begins in the womb with

the development of what is called the hypothalamic-pituitary-gonadal axis.

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The hypothalamus and pituitary, both located at the base of the brain, are

formed by the 4th or 5th week of fetal life and soon are producing

gonadotropic hormones: luteinizing hormone (LH), follicle stimulating

hormone (FSH), and gonadotropin releasing hormone (GnRH). By the 8th

week of gestation the Leydig cells (the cells that make testosterone) in

the fetal testes have differentiated. By the 12th week these cells'

production of testosterone is at its peak, effecting the further

development of the male sexual organs. It is believed that testosterone

also is involved in brain development during this period, flooding the brain

with hormones and "priming" it in a male direction. Sex differentiation in

the embryo is regulated by at least 70 different genes that govern the

mechanisms that differentiate the primordial gonadal tissue, which is

bipotential, that is, it can become either male or female. At this point in

fetal life irregularities of the genetic makeup, or external factors, like

chemical pollution, can produce individuals with ambiguous genital

development.

By the end of the fetal period the hypothalmic-pituitary-gonadal

axis is well developed, with a regulating system called the hypothalamic

GnRH pulse generator that discharges intermittent bursts of GnRh into the

system. In infancy this system operates at a frequency that is typical of

the adult male, and it stimulates the leydig cells of the child to secrete

testosterone. At about two years of age the above system becomes

quiescent until puberty. Given that castration rarely took place this early,

this phase of testosterone-related development in male children is

something experienced by virtually all potential eunuchs. The

mechanisms for turning this system on and off are not yet completely

understood.

4

There is considerable variation in the timing of male puberty. It

begins when the hypothalamic GnRh pulse generator again begins to

release GnRh, resulting in an increase in production of LH (luteinizing

hormone) by the pituitary. In male humans an elevation of LH and

testosterone signals puberty, the testis increase in size, producing

increasing amounts of testosterone, reaching adult values at 14 or 15

years of age. Spermatogenesis can be established at some time between

the 12th and 16th year of life.1 This is the phase of testosterone related

development that is missed by eunuchs castrated prior to puberty.

Recent studies in the areas of developmental neuroscience and

neuropsychology indicate that puberty has a significant impact on the

human brain, and especially the male brain. Just as testosterone in the

infant acts to differentiate neural circuits in the brain, it continues to act

on the brain during puberty. There is evidence that the male brain,

influenced by steroid hormones, and, in the male, testosterone in

particular, is significantly remodeled during puberty in ways that impact

higher-order brain functions, including cognitive functions and emotion

regulation.2 The brain is a very "plastic" organ and it develops new

circuitry and prunes unneeded circuitry throughout puberty and young

adulthood.

1 Audrey M. Cummings and Robert J. Kavlock, "Function of Sexual Glands and Mechanism

of Sex Differentiation," The Journal of Toxicological Sciences , vol. 29, no. 3, (2004):

167 – 178.

2 Judy L. Cameron, “Interrelationships between Hormones, Behavior, and Affect during

Adolescence: Understanding Hormonal, Physical and Brain changes Occurring in

Association with Pubertal Activation of the Reproductive Axis. Introduction to Part III,”

Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 1021 (2004): 110-123 (2004); J. D.

Wilson, "Androgens, Androgen Receptors, and Male Gender Role Behavior," Hormone

Behavior , v. 40, no. 2 (Sept. 2001): 358-366.

5

What significance does this have for the study of eunuchs? Many

of the eunuchs in our sources are “artificial creations” in that they were

normal males who were deliberately castrated for a variety of very

specific purposes. Others, however, were individuals whose development

was congenitally faulty, leaving them with incomplete male sexual organs.

These are sometimes referred to as "natural" eunuchs in our sources.

Another group includes men who were castrated in an attempt to cure

one of several medical conditions afflicting the male genitalia. Finally,

there are eunuchs whose castration is the result of an accidental injury.

For all of these groups age of castration is critical for future physical and

neural development.

In the Byzantine world men must have known that the age at which

castration was performed effected the kind of eunuch that was formed.

Castration between infancy and puberty, for example, will profoundly

effect the appearance of the individual, but he will still be oriented in a

masculine direction, though just how is difficult to determine. He will not

experience normal puberty. His voice will remain high-pitched, he will

have little or no facial hair and the hair on his head will be thick and

luxuriant throughout his life. His face and body will have a very distinctive

appearance and his life will probably be short, since he will be afflicted

with osteoporosis, diabetes, and heart and vascular problems. He will

have little or no interest in sexual behavior. His personality will be

different from that of a normal man, though it is difficult, at this historical

distance, to determine exactly how it will be different.

On the other hand, if he is castrated at, say, 17, he will experience

much less change in appearance and, though infertile, may retain limited

sexual function. If castrated as an adult, a eunuch will retain most of the

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qualities of an adult male, with the exception of those features that are

regulated directly by testosterone: fertility, sexual potency, maintenance

of muscular strength, and the growth patterns of body and facial hair.

When visitors from Western Europe began to visit Constantinople in

the early middle ages, one of the first things they noticed was the

presence of eunuchs. Castration was rare in the west, and the very fact

that castrations took place in Byzantium made this culture appear to be

eastern, suspect and "other." The reasons that the Byzantines castrated

healthy, normal boys and created a place for them in elite society are

complex. In my own work I have suggested that the Byzantines were

attempting to create a "perfect servant", attractive, obedient, educated,

unfailingly loyal, an individual without external family ties, and an individual

who was undefiled by sexuality (unless he was desired by his master). A

parallel construct existed within the world of the church and was validated

by the assumed ascetic qualities attached to the religious eunuch.3

While for centuries Byzantine society created important niches for

eunuchs, the authors of our sources were usually uncomfortable with the

act of castration. We know a great deal about the lives of many eunuchs,

but almost nothing is said about their castration. Even the great eunuch

patriarch Methodios claimed to have been castrated by God.4 The

historian Prokopios goes to great lengths to explain that the eunuch

Solomon had not been castrated but rather that his genitalia had been

damaged in a nursery accident.5 Rhetorically, at least, the Byzantines

claimed that they never did castrations – the castrators were always

3 Kathryn M. Ringrose,
JesusA (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:29 pm 1243200]
The Perfect Servant: Eunu
chs and the Social Construction of
[/quote]


Gender in Byzantium (
JesusA (imported) wrote: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
2003), ch. 5.

4 Skyl. p. 86, l. 51; Kedrenos, Compendium historiarum, vol. 2, p. 147.

5 Prokopios, Wars, vol. 3, ch. 11, l. 5.

7

“others” –usually people like the Arabs or the Persians. Likewise the

Arabs claimed that they never castrated and that their eunuchs were

prepared and purchased in Byzantium. It is interesting to compare

attitudes toward castration in Byzantium to those in China. In China

castration was practiced both as a punishment and as a route to a career.

It had to be publicly proven through the display of the severed organs. In

Byzantium castration was almost never used as a punishment and the

severed organs were not preser
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:29 pm ved. It was a hidden act, a necessary e
vil,

and was never mentioned publicly.

Despite the rhetorical façade, however, we know that castrations

were performed in the Late Antique and Byzantine worlds. The seventh

century surgeon, Paul of Aegina, has left us a detailed description of a

testicular ablation, prefaced by the comment that he hated to have to

perform this surgery and only did so under pressure. Since castrations

were technically illegal, they were often billed as surgery to correct a

serious medical condition, hernia. It is quite possible that in fact this

practice was not exceptional.

Among the treatments that could result in castration was the repair

of both inguinal hernia, scrotal hernia, and umbilical hernia. Doctors began

with a less invasive attempt to cure hernias using compression and

bandages, but if this failed, physicians did resort to surgery. Paul of

Aegina describes a surgical technique that included cauterization. It was

probably reasonably effective and spared the testicles. Skilled surgeons

8

in the Hellenistic world had long understood these techniques, which can

be found in the writings of Celsus, a surgeon of the first century AD.6

Though testicle-sparing surgery for hernias continued to be

practiced in the Byzantine empire, practitioners were increasingly of the

opinion that castration was the best hope of curing hernia. This was

certainly true in Western Europe until the Renaissance, and was probably

true in the less urbanized parts of the Byzantine empire.7 This is the

inference we can draw from the many examples in Byzantine sources of

boys and men with hernias and ailments of the genitalia whose miraculous

cures saved them from the castrator. In the life of saints David, Symeon

and George of Mitilini on the island of Lesvos8 we find the story of Leo, a

friend of the holy man, who brought his youngest son to him for healing.

The boy was suffering from a hernia and was about to be turned over to

the castrator when he was saved by the saint, who healed him. The life

of St. Artemios offers a number of healing miracles involving male

genitalia.9 In the twenty-fourth miracle10 a man named George is urged to

see a doctor and have his testicles removed to heal a testicular disorder.

The saint heals him. In the twenty-eighth miracle,11 a child injures his

testicles and is cured by the saint. When his mother realizes that he has

been cured, she runs her hands along his thighs and assumes the cure

6 Niki S. Papavramidou and Helen Christopoulou-Aletras, "Treatment of "Hernia" in the

Writings of Celsus (First Century AD)," World Journal of Surgery, 29 2005): 1343 –

1347.

7 John G. Lascaratos, Constantine Tsiamis, Alkiviadis Kostakis, "Surgery for Inguinal

Hernia in Byzantine Times (A.D. 324-1453): First Scientific Descriptions," World Journal

of Surgery 27 (2003): 1165-1169.

8 J. van den Gheyn, Acta graeca SS.Davidis, Symeonis et Georgii Mitylenae in insula

Lesbo, AB 18 (1899): p. 240, l. 11.

9 Crisafulli, "The Miracles of St. Artemios"

10 Ibid., p. 145.

11 Ibid., p. 155.

9

involved removing his testicles. The forty-third miracle12 is similar. In the

forty-fourth miracle13 a man with diseased testicles is considering having

them removed but is healed by the saint. The saint appears to him in the

guise of a physician who did hernia surgeries. The saint bound up the

man's testicles with a cord, an action that mimicked one technique for

castration.

Thus there was in Byzantine culture an acceptable medical façade

that legitimized castration. Hernia certainly offered an excuse that could

be trotted out for rhetorical purposes. It is even feasible that hernia

problems were sufficiently prevalent to account for a significant number

of medically legitimate castrations. Just last year a group of Iranian

researchers published a study of 3205 elementary-school boys, aged 6 to

12 years.14 The subjects live in the province of Lorestan, which is

situated north and west of Tehran on the eastern slope of the Zagros

mountains. The boys were examined for abnormalities of the groin or

genitalia and abnormalities were found in 6.64% of the children. The

problems included hernia, retractile testes, undescended testes,

hydrocele, and hypospadia. This is a significant percent of this study

group. In the Byzantine world, with the exception of the child with

hypospadia (a condition in which the urethra does not exit the penis in a

normal way) any of these children who received medical treatment would

probably have been made eunuchs.

12 Ibid., p. 219

13 Ibid., p. 219.

14 R. A. Yegane, A. R. Kheirollahi, M. Bashashati, N. Rezaei, M. J. Tarrahi, and J. A.

Khoshdel, "The Prevalence of Penoscrotal Abnormalities and Inguinal Hernia in

Elementary-school Boys in the West of Iran," International Journal of Urology, v. 12, no.

5 (2005): 479-483.

10

A certain number of Byzantine eunuchs are identified as "natural

eunuchs" who presumably were not actually castrated. While these

individuals are rare in any culture, they do exist. They usually suffer from

genetic deformities that suppress the formation of external genitalia or

the utilization of testosterone. Ever since the publication of the Pulitzer

Prize winning novel Middlesex15 we have become more familiar with one of

these rare genetic conditions called 5alpha-Reductase Deficiency. In the

male it is the cause of male hereditary pseudohermaphroditism. During

fetal development, at the cellular level testosterone is converted to

5alpha-dihydrotestosterone and binds to a high-affinity receptor protein

in the cell nuclei. From embryogenesis through puberty 5alphadihydrotestosterone

is responsible for: (1) the development of the male

external genitalia, urethra, and prostate (2) at puberty, the growth of

facial and body hair and the maturation of the external genitalia (3) the

loss of scalp hair later in life. At birth individuals with this defect appear

to be girls or hermaphrodites with minimal male genitalia since they have

had little or no chance for the development of male genitalia during the

prenatal period. At puberty, however, the male external genitalia begin to

develop and these children are increasingly virilized. As children, if their

condition is not recognized, they are reared as females. After puberty,

when they develop noticeable male genitalia, some elect to live as infertile

males, following their chromosome makeup, others as females in

accordance with their rearing.

15 Jeffrey Eugenides, Middlesex: A Novel (New York: Picador, 2002).

11

In the Byzantine world individuals of this sort would be classified as

"natural eunuchs."16 In today's world, where infant and childhood

castration are no longer practiced, these individuals are the subjects of

much research, since their experience directly addresses questions about

the importance of nature versus nurture. Though most of these

individuals are reared as females, more than half of them elect to live as

males after puberty.17 For historians they serve as a research "stand-in"

for eunuchs.

Another group of potential "natural eunuchs" includes individuals

with the more severe forms of Klinefelter Syndrome. These men have the

usual 47 chromosomes, but have an added X chromosome (47XXY).

Today we know that about 1 in 1000 males are born with this genetic

anomaly, and it is a disorder that accounts for 3% of male infertility. Men

who are affected typically suffer from, in decreasing order of frequency:

infertility, small testes, decreased facial hair, gynecomastia, (the

development of small breasts) decreased pubic hair, and a small penis.

They have unusually long legs and may have a feminized body. In

adulthood, without diagnosis and androgen replacement therapy, they can

suffer from loss of libido, decreased muscle bulk and tone, decreased

bone mineral density, and a tendency to suffer from thromboembolism,

diabetes and cardiovascular complications. Most of these symptoms

16 Jean D. Wilson, James E. Griffin, and David W. Russel, "Steroid 5alpha-Reductase 2

Deficiency," Endocrine Reviews, v. 14, no. 5 (1993): 577-593; B. B. Mendonca, M.

Inacio, I. J. Arnhold, E. M. Costa, W. Bloise, R. M. Martin, F. T. Denes, F. A. Silva, S.

Andersson, A. Lindquist, and J. D. Wilson, "Male Pseudohermaphrodistism due to 17

Beta-hydroxysteroid Dehydrogenase 3 Deficiency. Diagnosis, Psychological Evaluation,

and Management," Medicine, v. 79, no.5 (Baltimore, 2000): 299-309.

17 P. T. Cohen-Kettenis, "Gender Change in 46,XY Persons with 5alpha-Reductase-2

Deficiency and 17 beta-Hydroxysteroid Dehydrogenase-3 Deficiency," Archives of Sexual

Behavior , v. 34, no. 4 (2005): 399-410.

12

match traits associated with eunuchs in our sources. In one regard,

however, they do not resemble eunuchs, who are often presented as

intellectually a
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:29 pm dept – men with Klinefelter Syndrome often
suffer from

cognitive deficits, especially in language comprehension, speech, and

gross and fine motor coordination18

In the Late Antique and Byzantine worlds natural eunuchs were

rarely identified as such. An exception to this, however, was the famous

second century eunuch Favorinus. Favorinus appears to have been born

with at lease one of the many androgen insensitivity syndromes described

above. He is described as a eunuch having a penis but no testicles.

Rather than hiding his affliction, Favorinus capitalized on his unusual

appearance and high voice, setting a new style for orators of the period.

He is the eunuch who is the subject of Lucian's The Eunuch.19

Unless some hagiographer or biographer wanted to clean up the

origins of a famous eunuch by citing accident or medical necessity, our

sources rarely say much about how a man became a eunuch. Thus there

is no way of knowing how many eunuchs there were in Byzantium at any

given time, nor can we know what percentage of them were "natural"

eunuchs as opposed to eunuchs who were the result of deliberate

castration.

However ambivalent our sources are about eunuchs, it is clear that

a significant number were deliberately castrated before puberty, when the

surgery is much easier and safer than later in life. Eunuchs castrated

18 Daniel J. Wattendorf and Maximilian Muenke, "Klinefelter Syndrome," American Family

Physician, v. 72, no. 11 (2005).

19 Maud
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:29 pm W. Gleason, Making Men, Sophists and Self-P
resentation in Ancient Rome,

(Princeton; Princeton University Press, 1995). p. 3.

13

before puberty or during early puberty developed a distinctive appearance

that, I would argue, was aesthetically favored at court. Here, too, modern

medical research supports some of the ambiguous evidence for

physiological distinctiveness. Individuals who suffer from extreme

testosterone deprivation develop a distinctive physical appearance.

During the neonatal period androgens react with growth hormones to

produce the male growth pattern that will emerge at puberty. At

puberty, after a quiescent childhood, growth and development begins

again. What triggers puberty is still a matter of conjecture.20

"In an uncastrated male puberty is characterized by a striking

increase in circulating testosterone, which is converted to

dihydrotestosterone, increases in circulating androgens associated

with an increase in muscle mass, enlargement of the testicles and

phallus, development of acne, and a male pattern of hair

development including facial hair, axillary hair, and pubic hair, as well

as an overall increase in the size and darkening color of most other

body hairs."21

At puberty various sex steroids mediate both the development and

maintenance of long-bone tissues and the development of the bones in

the face. Both estrogen and testosterone are important for this process,

and the lack of testosterone in eunuchs at puberty results in the

development of bone material that is porous. Since testosterone

regulates the circumference of the long-bones, in its absence they will

tend to be unusually thin and fragile, a condition I will come back to when

I discuss the aging of eunuchs. At the end of puberty testosterone

20 G. Bradley Schaefer, "Neuroendocrine and Neurophysiologic Changes of Adolescence,"

Cleft Palate-Craniofacial journal, v. 32, no.2 (1995): 95-98.

21 Ibid., p. 97.

14

regulates the closing of the epiphyseal (growth) plates in the long bones.

Lacking testosterone, these growth plates do not close promptly after

puberty. This is especially apparent in the long bones of the arms and

legs which, in a eunuch, appear to be unusually long compared to the rest

of the body.22 At the same time, in a eunuch, the bones of the jaw and

the part of the face that extends from the lower jaw to the ear tend not

to develop during puberty, creating an individual whose face appears to

be abnormally wide. In fact, its width is correct, since the measurement

between the eyes does not change from infancy. The eunuchoid face

appears to be wide because the lower face has not lengthened at

puberty. In our world of modern medicine, if a boy with a condition that

severely reduces the levels of his testosterone is diagnosed early enough

testosterone treatments will "normalize" facial growth in the vertical

dimension and will increase the anterior facial height.23

I am convinced that the Byzantines aesthetically appreciated the

appearance of boys at the cusp of puberty. Such boys were

stereotypically graceful, feminine without being female, and sexually pure.

Their skin was still clear, they had no beards, their voices were highpitched,

their faces, which had not yet taken on a masculine appearance,

were short and broad. Given the normal inevitability of puberty, these

22 D. Vanderschueren, L. Vandenput, and S. Boonen, "Reversing Sex Steroid Deficiency

and Optimizing Skeletal Development in Adolescents with Gonadal Failure, Endocrine

Development, v. 8 (2005): 150-165; M. K. Lindberg, L. Vandenput, S. Moverare, S.

Skritic, D. Vanderschueren, S. Boonen, R. Bouillon, and C. Ohlsson, "Androgens and the

Skeleton," Minerva Endocrinology, v. 30, n. 1 (2005): 15-25.

23 A. Verdonck, M. Gaethofs, C. Carels, and F. Zegher, "Effect of Low-dose Testosterone

Treatment on Craniofacial Growth in Boys with Delayed Puberty," European Journal of

Orthodontics , v. 21 (1999): 137-143; Ronald N. Spiegel, A. Howard Sather, and Alvin B.

Hayles, "Cephalometric Study of Children with Various Endocrine Diseases," American

Journal of Orthodontics, v. 59, n. 4, (1971): 362-375.

15

qualities were recognized to be ephemeral – present in a boy today and

gone from the young man tomorrow.

These are also the physical attributes of individuals who

transcended the pollution of the mundane physical world. Through

castration this aesthetic could be captured and preserved, at least for a

time. It is important that we not impose our cultural biases on the

Byzantine world. The eunuchoid face may not be desirable today, but it

seems to have had positive connotations in the past. Current

investigations of facial shape and its relationship to testosterone show

that, at least subconsciously, people notice facial shape as an indication

of "manliness." Women today, despite what we might assume, find

pictures of the faces of men who have very high testosterone levels to be

unattractive.24 The pubescent face of the Byzantine eunuch is readily

seen in the images of angels and youthful warrior saints in Byzantine art.

It is unmistakable in our one good portrait of a Byzantine eunuch, Leo the

Sakellarios.25 It is worth noting in this connection that Byzantine art

clearly contrasts that society’s two categories of non-reproductive

individuals. One, the ascetic holy man, is depicted with a long, narrow,

bearded face that would be typical of an individual with high levels of

testosterone. This reinforces the trope that says that holiness lies in

overcoming the pleasures of the world, including sexual pleasures. The

alternative image of holiness is the beardless, almost triangular eunuchoid

24 John P. Swaddle and Gillian W. Reierson, "Testosterone Increases Perceived Dominance

but not Attractiveness in Human Males," The Royal Society, Proceedings in Biological

Sciences, Nov. 2002: 2285-2289.

25 Die bibel des Patricius Leo: Codex Rginensis Graecus 1 B, ed. Suzy Dufrenne and Paul

Canart (Zurich, 1988), fol. 2v.

16

face we find in images of angels –beings by definition free of human

sexuality.

The use of castration to prolong youthful innocence is

complimented in Byzantine sources by the fact that they rarely talk about

the aging or death of eunuchs. For the Late Antique period, where our

sources are dominated by tales of evil eunuchs like Eutropius, we

occasionally learn how they died. Valentinian burned his chief eunuch in

the Hippodrome.26 Ammianus Marcellinus mentions Eutherius, whom he

considers an exception to the rule that all eunuchs are evil, who died in

comfortable retirement in Rome.27 Similarlty, not much is said about

eunuchs' health. An exception to this is found in Ammianus Marcellinus,

who describes "the throng of eunuchs beginning with the old men and

ending with the boys, sallow and disfigured by the distorted form of their

members."28 Ammianus is clearly making observations about the health

of eunuchs. There is also an intriguing tradition that compares a eunuch

to a rose – he is beautiful in youth, flowers, then withers and dries up. His

skin is compared to a crumpled, drying flower. He becomes wrinkled and

dried up with age. Themes like this appear in John Chrysostom's Vanity

of Vanities sermon on the eunuch Eutropius.29 This raises two interesting

questions. First, what can modern medical science tell us that might shed

light on the aging process among eunuchs, and second why do our later

Byzantine sources say so little about the end of life among eunuchs?

Recent advances in the treatment of prostate cancer have led to a

flood of relevant articles. Androgen destroying medications are now used

26 Eunapius of Sardis, Fragmenta historicorum graecorum, ed. K. Muller, vol. 4, n. 30.

27 Ammianus Marcellinus. Ed. and trans. John C. Rolfe. Vol. 1 (1935), XVI 7, 2-5.

28 Ammianus Marcellinus, vol. 1, 1935, XIV 6, 17.

29 PG 52, cols. 392-414.

17

to shrink the prostate and retard the growth of the tumor, a technique

that allows fragile elderly patients to avoid surgery. This has led to other

medical problems that appear to parallel those suffered by eunuchs as

they age. Osteoporosis is the most prominent. The bulk of adult bone

mass is laid down during puberty. If a child is castrated before puberty,

his chance of retaining sufficient bone mass to last into old age is slim.

Modern studies of prepubertal boys suffering from hypogonadism indicate

that with testosterone supplements bone mass can be rapidly laid down

during young adulthood.30 Conversely for elderly men treated with

androgen destroying drugs, bone mass is lost rapidly, even if it was

adequately laid down at puberty. The degree to which osteoporosis

might disable the Byzantine eunuch clearly depends on the age at which

castration took place. Chinese eunuchs, for example, seem not to suffer

from osteoporosis because they were usually castrated after puberty.

Since Byzantine eunuchs were castrated at a variety of ages, only some

of them would suffer from osteoporosis. Court eunuchs, were probably

castrated before puberty, both to preserve their youthful appearance and

to preserve their voices, which were valued in the imperial choirs.

Osteoporosis would be a serious problem for them. Peter Phocas,

however, a great eunuch soldier whose exploits on the field of battle are

described in several sources, was almost certainly castrated as an adult.31

For him osteoporosis would be a lesser issue, at least until extreme old

age.

30 Eishin Ogwa, Uriko Katsushima, Ikuma Fuiwara, and Kazuie Iinuma, "Testosterone-

Induced Changes in Markers of Bone Turnover in Adolescent Boys with Testicular

Dysfunction," Clinical Pediatric Endocrinology, v. 12, n.2 (2003): 81-85.

31 Leo the Deacon, Leonis diaconi Caloensis historie libri decem. ed. C.B.Hase, Bonn,

1828, pg. 107.

18

Elderly men treated with androgen destroying drugs often suffer

from weight gain, the result of a decrease in lean muscle mass and an

increase in fat. This is a phenomenon characteristic of castrated men and

animals. They also frequently suffer from anemia, perhaps explaining why

Ammianus Marcellinus describes eunuchs as sallow. With anti-androgen

therapy the body's metabolism changes, especially its sugar metabolism.

There is a rise in insulin indicating a decrease in insulin sensitivity, leaving

low androgen individuals at risk for diabetes. Recently scientists are

learning that there may be associations between low androgen and heart

and circulatory problems. Lack of androgens seems to lead to a stiffening

of the arteries as indicated by elevated blood pressure. In studies based

on castrated rats, lack of androgens leads to serious heart problems.32

As interesting as the physiological results of castration may be, the

most intriguing questions that modern medical science may help us with

involve the cognitive skills and personality of eunuchs. Today there is a

great deal of interest in the effect of gonadotrophic hormones on

puberty. This has been driven by the observation that some neurological

32 L. X. Oian, L. Hua, H. G. Wu, Y. G. Sui, S. G. Cheng, W. Zhang, J. Li, and X. R. Wang,

"Anemia in Patients on Combined Androgen Block Therapy for Prostate Cancer," Asian

Journal of Andrology, v. 6, n. 4 (2004): 383-384; T.
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:27 pm Nishiyama, F. Ishizaki, T. Anraku, H.

Shimura, and
K. Takahashi, "The Influence of Androgen Deprivation Therapy on

Metabolism in Patients with Prostate Cancer," Journal of Clinical Endocrinology and

Metabolism, v. 90, n. 2 (2005): 657-660; K. L. Golden, J. D. Marsh, Y. Jiang, and J.

Moulden, "Gonadectomy Alters Myosin Heavy Chain Composition in Isolated Cardiac

Myocytes," Endocrine, v. 24, n. 2 (2004); 137-140; J. C. Smith, S. Bennet, L. M. Evans,

H. G. Kynaston, M. Parmar, M. D. Mason, J. R. Cockcroft, M. F. S
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:27 pm canlon, and J. S. Davies,

"The Effects of Induced H
ypogonadism on Arterial Stiffness, Body Composition, and

Metabolic Parameters in Males with Prostate Cancer," Journal of Clinical Endocrinology

and Metabolism, v. 86, n. 9 (2001): 4261-4267; M. R. Smith, "Changes in Fat and Lean

Body Mass During Androgen-deprivation Therapy for Prostate Cancer," Urology, v. 63, n.

4 (2004): 742-745; F. Debruyne, "Hormonal Therapy of Prostate Cancer," Seminar on

Urology and Oncology, v. 20, n. 3, supl. 1 (2002); D. Baltogiannis, X. Giannakopoulos, K.

Charalabopoulos, and N. Sifikitis, "Monotherapy in Advanced Prostate Cancer: An

Overview," Experimental Oncology, v. 26, n. 3 (2004): 185-191.

19

diseases, like schizophrenia, appear at puberty, and by the elevated death

rate of teen-agers in much of the world. Scientists have begun to ask

whether the use of steroids by young athletes or the delayed puberty

found among gymnasts and ballet dancers can effect the development of

personality and adult behavior.33 Studies of animals indicate that, in many

species, the neurotransmitter systems of the brain, and especially the

pre-frontal cortex, are significantly remodeled during puberty. In humans

this rearrangement is thought to be connected to adolescent changes in

decision-making, risk taking, planning, drug sensitivity and reward

incentive. Clearly, a male who fails to go through puberty will not have a

typically masculine personality – an aspect of the Byzantine eunuch that

is noted in many sources.

Scientists are still not clear about exactly what triggers puberty in

humans. It seems to be related to GnRH, a decapeptide produced by

specialized neurons in the hypothalamus. These act on the pituitary,

causing it to release LH and FSH which make the testes and ovaries

develop. These then release hormones that act on the brain. Obviously

this has serious implications for those eunuchs who are castrated before

puberty. Since they lack testes this circular hormone-driven system

cannot develop. To what extent might castration reshape these eunuchs'

mental processes and personalities? Perhaps the pejorative writings that

say that eunuchs have personalities that differ from those of testiculated

men should be given some credence.34

33 Russell D. Romeo, Heather N. Richardson, and Cheryl L.Sisk, "Puberty and the

Maturation of the Male Brain and Sexual Behavior: Recasting a Behavioral Potential,"

Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Reviews, v. 26 (2002): 381-391.

34 L.P. Spear, "The Adolescent Brain and Age-related Behavioral Manifestations,"

Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Review, v. 24 (2000): 417-463; C. L. Sisk, and D. L.

20

The most obvious neural developments that are of interest

regarding eunuchs are those that shape sexual behavior. The neural

circuitry that differentiates males from females is laid down during the

prenatal period. At puberty, however, the gonadal steroids both activate

and further organize this neural circuitry. If this does not take place, no

amount of hormone replacement or sexual experience can reverse this

deficit. This is clear in modern studies of animal models. Those castrated

before puberty never become sexually active, nor do they develop

behaviors that are associated with mating behavior, even if they are

treated with hormones. Those castrated after puberty, if treated with

hormones, develop some measure of sexual behavior. The ancients

realized this,35 even though they rarely make a linguistic distinction

between eunuchs castrated before puberty and those castrated after

puberty – at least they do not make a distinction that we can detect.

Leaving aside sexual behavior, which is fairly obvious, does lack of

normal puberty in the pre-pubertial castrate lead to any other differences

in cognitive ability or personality? Studies using tests that target the

orbital prefrontal cortex, an area that is extensively remodeled at puberty,

show that men with low levels of testosterone approach problems in a

careful, conservative way and resist the temptation to take chances.36

They also perform better when faced with spatial tasks, and may have

Foster, "The Neural Basis of Puberty and Adolescence," Nature Neuroscience, v. 7, n. 10

(2004): 1040-1047.

35 See, for example, Alexander of Aphrodisias, Problematum physicorum et medicorum

eclogae. Libri 1-2. In Physici et medici graeci minores, ed. J. L. Ideler, vol. I: p. 8, sec. 9.

1841-42. (Reprint, Amsterdam, 1963).

36 Rebecca Reavis and William H. Overman, "Adult Sex Differences on a Decision-Making

Task Previously Shown to Depend on the Orbital Prefrontal Cortex," Behavioral

neuroscience, v. 115, n. 1 (2001): 196-206.

21

superior mathematical ability.37 In rats lack of testosterone leads to an

increased fear response.38 These reflect characteristics attributed to the

Byzantine eunuch. He is credited with having certain specific intellectual

gifts and assumed to be "cowardly" in his behavior. As to the eunuch's

personality, modern neurosciences do not as yet offer enough information

for us to make any inferences. There is speculation, however, that during

adolescence a network develops in the brain that regulates the processing

of social information. If this regulatory process does not develop and

work properly, an individual can develop mood and anxiety disorders.39

It is easy to assume that the pejorative language that our sources

use about eunuchs reflects a social world that is dominated by masculine

values and thus devalues anything or any one who exhibits traits that

might appear to be feminine. It is also easy to assume that this

pejorative language has its roots in envy. Yet medical science offers

insights that urge us to reevaluate some of the rhetoric that our sources

use about eunuchs. To some Byzantine observers they appear to be

unhealthy and deformed. To others they exhibit youthful grace and

beauty. Both are medically possible, reflecting stages in a eunuch's life.

It is clear that many Byzantine observers find eunuchs' personalities

disagreeable. Given what medical science can tell us so far, it is quite

possible that many eunuchs had immature, unstable personalities.

37 Catherine Gouchie and Doreen Kimura, "The Relationship Between Testosterone Levels

and Cognitive Ability Patterns," Psychoneuroendocrinology, v. 16, n. 4 (1991): 323-

334.

38 J. A. King, W. L. De Oliveira, and N. Patel, "Deficits in Testosterone Facilitate Enhanced

Fear Response," Psychoneuroendocrinology, v. 30, n. 4 (2005): 333-340.

39 E. E. Nelson, E. Leibenluft, E. B. McClure EB, and D. S. Pine, "The social re-orientation

of adolescence: a neuroscience perspective on the process and its relation to

psychopathology," Psychological Medicine, v. 35, n. 2 (2005): 163-174.

22

In any case, it is clear that the Byzantine eunuch is different from a

normal man. His is a constructed gender category, and he, himself, is the

result of a deliberate act of creation, an act of man rather than of God.

This leaves us with a wealth of questions that can still be asked about the

Byzantine eunuch. To what extent did Byzantine society consider

castration to be a creative act? To what extent did the Byzantines

understand the importance of the age at which castrations took place?

Did they create eunuchs specifically for particular social roles – perfect

servant, skilled warrior, bureaucrat, attractive court decoration, etc.?

Why are the Byzantines so reluctant to talk about castrations, eunuchs'

medical problems, their deaths? Is it because eunuchs are perceived to

be created beings who are ephemeral, who live outside the normal human

life cycle of birth, reproduction, and death, with the result that these

facets of their lives cannot be mentioned? What does all of this suggest

about the Byzantines' attitudes about what is natural and unnatural,

whether it is morally right to manipulate a mans' body and use it to create

something new? Finally, what does it tell us about the Byzantines'

attitude toward sexuality? If we are to judge by the presence of eunuchs

in Byzantine society, sexuality is a privilege, not a right. It is something

that can legitimately be dispensed with in order to achieve higher spiritual

and aesthetic goals.

Re: Books on castration and eunuchs

Posted: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:34 pm
by vesal_mas (imported)
MANHOOD AND THE NEUTERED BODY IN EARLY

MODERN SPAIN

By Edward Behrend-Martínez Appalachian State University

Not everything is a man that pisses on a wall, after all, dogs piss too.

(No es todo hombre el que mea a la pared, porque el perro mea también.)

—Traditional Spanish saying1

The above refrain suggests that manhood was a restricted status; it was granted

to a small part of society while it was denied to some males, all females, and yes,

dogs too. Being a “man,” however, was not only defined by reference to expressions,

rituals, and traditions; during the early modern period judicial institutions

took an increasingly prominent role in determining who was and was not

a man. During a year reading marriage litigation documents from between 1650

and 1750 in an ecclesiastical archive in northern Spain, I came across dozens

of trials that involved individuals whose masculinity became a central concern

of a local church court.2 These were cases whose basic question was anatomy—

regarding hermaphrodites, castrates, and impotent men—and they reveal much

about anxieties then prevalent concerning sexual categorization. In these court

cases judges, lawyers, families and communities looked for definitive proof of

manhood, and more and more they looked for this proof in physical medical

examinations rather than simply masculine behavior. The community, church,

and state all had a stake in defining manhood and controlling who would receive

its benefits. To do so they exposed people who were in-between genders

in order to cleanse towns and parishes of indefinite and non-reproductive men.

It was an ordering of society not only by behavior, but also by anatomy. In this

paper I take a similar approach to Angus McLaren, James Farr and Joan Scott,

agreeing with them that refining definitions of sexual difference has often been

a crucial way to reinforce social order and hierarchy. However, rather than examine

how the male/female hierarchy was clarified and reinforced, this study

argues that there was a greater scrutiny of the manly body itself
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:30 pm in the seventeenth

and eighteenth centuries.
The state’s eye—represented in this study by

the church court doctor—exposed and concentrated on male bodies so it could

separate men from not-men.3

Scholars have long focused on the changeable cultural elements of masculinity,

rather than the importance of male physiognomy in defining manhood.4

The early modern Spaniards of these cases also assumed that manhood was revealed,

in large part, through a person’s behavior. Yet during the early modern

period in Spain there were efforts to ensure that men met actual physical requirements,

part of a broader trend of the Counter-Reformation to discipline society

more rigidly by sex and gender.5 Anatomical proofs of masculinity became more

and more sharply defined after the Middle Ages.6 Several studies have already

demonstrated the many ways that governments and parishes looked to anatomy

to define and control women. Institutions began physically examining women

1074 journal of social history summer 2005

during this period, for example, to discover illegitimate pregnancies; breasts were

inspected for signs of lactation, waists for signs of growth.7 By the seventeenth

century, communities, with recourse to legal institutions, had standardized procedures

to demarcate gender physiologically, to explain womanhood and manhood

through medical examination.

Before examining this new emphasis on the anatomical bases of gender it is

important to take into account the cultural ways that gender became sharply

defined during the early modern period. Ethnographers of rural Spanish communities

have tackled the task of demystifying the contours of “machismo.”8

Julian Pitt-Rivers, Stanley Brandes, and, more recently, David Gilmore have

provided many useful definitions of Spanish and Mediterranean masculinity.9

To be a “man” in Spain, they point out, includes keeping one’s word, supporting

one’s family, heading a patriarchal household, demonstrating sexual prowess,

sobriety, maintaining one’s independence of thought and action, and defending

family and personal honor.10 Ethnographers often stress cultural continuity, and

in many ways masculinity was, indeed, similarly defined in the seventeenth century

as they have outlined the contemporary idea of manhood. These definitions

are generally based on performance; gender depends primarily on how one acts,

not what one is physically. In fact, metaphorically, bodies can change to suit

gendered behavior. Stanley Brandes, for instance, explains that if a woman behaves

courageously enough, acts like a “man,” she can be said to be cojonuda,

she has “balls.”11

David Gilmore writes about how manhood was regulated in an Andalusian

village during the 1970s.12 The negative characterization of the unmanly was the

person who was lazy, anti-social, a drunkard, a liar, and one who lacked emotional

control.13 In the village of Gilmore’s study the community singled out,

ostracized, and gave demeaning nicknames to men who did not live up to the

shared standards of masculinity. Manhood was a reputation earned through adherence

to shared masculine ideals. But the type of scrutiny that has often been

downplayed by cultural historians as well as ethnographers is that which focuses

on the male body itself. Exceptions are Anton Blok and Stanley Brandes who

emphasize the importance of physical integrity and genitalia to masculinity.14

Blok, working on the phenomenon of cuckold’s horns in the Northern Mediterranean,

emphasizes the importance of testicles—cojones—for men living in the

pastoral societies of the Mediterranean.15 Brandes, who focused more specifically

on Andalusia, goes into great detail regarding the common references to

testicles, penises, and semen in popular Spanish folklore, jokes, and refrains. The

size of cojones, “balls,” is directly correlated with the degree of manliness; though,

again, it is the metaphorical, not actual size that matters. Semen, in Brandes’s assessment,

is the very source of the masculine virtue, will, and strength. The Devil

of the early modern period, in fact, lacking virtue, lacked semen, and emitted

none during his copulations with witches.16 For a man to waste semen, especially

to lose it to a woman, was to be sapped of a vital essence.17 Yet, however

timeless many peasant traditions, sayings and beliefs may seem, ethnographic

evidence cannot transport us to the world of three centuries ago. Cultural ideals

from the literature of the period affords another perspective.

Regarding masculine behavior, many genres and discourses in early modern

literature and art prescribed and proscribed proper manly behavior. There was,

MANHOOD AND THE NEUTERED BODY 1075

for instance, the Spanish church’s campaign to rejuvenate the image of St. Joseph,

husband of the Virgin Mary, throughout the seventeenth century.18 The

church commissioned hundreds of paintings and images in Spain carefully

planned to sell its image of the perfect domestic patriarch.19 By emphasizing

Joseph’s chaste virility, strength, fidelity and lack of suspicion and jealousy regarding

his inexplicably pregnant wife, the church attempted to reshape Spanish

masculinity. Through the example of St. Joseph the Church urged men, ordinarily

distrustful of the women whose honor they were to defend, to turn away from

passion and toward faith.20 This campaign to create young and virile images of

St. Joseph coincided with other types of publicity. Clerics delivered hundreds of

sermons that explained Joseph’s role in Jesus and Mary’s lives to lay men. This

Christian ideal of masculinity emphasized reason and faith over passion and suspicion;

it recommended that husbands give protection, affection and sustenance

for wives rather than the domination and jealous sexual control of women demanded

by the Mediterranean honor code.

There were also rhetorics in Golden Age Spanish literature that focused on

behavior improper for a man. To delineate masculinity it was constantly necessary

to define and proscribe unmanly behavior. Elizabeth Haidt has explored the

importance of the hombre de bien in literature, the virtuous and controlled man

of
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:30 pm seventeenth and eighteenth centur
y Spain. However, her discussion of the

effeminate petimetre in literature reveals even more of how eighteenth century

Spanish masculinity was defined.21 Haidt claims that “The strangeness of the

petimetre’s body is manifest within a gender hierarchy such that the petimetre is

that which is different from man, that which is not-man.”22 The petimetre was

everything a man should not be. He was, to begin with, unSpanish; clearly the

petimetre was an afrancesado, literally a Frenchified Spaniard. He was rarely married.

The petimetre was of a soft constitution and manners and, above all, vain;

he worked to draw attention to himself. A petimetre might, for instance, flaunt

his shapely calves by wearing tight breeches. He dressed androgynously, wearing

long, curled hair, and fashionable tight, high-heeled shoes. The petimetre used

perfumes to excite women. He was libidinous, and gave women pleasure rather

than taking his pleasure in women. In sum, although Haidt does not make this

connection, the petimetre displayed the androgyny and ability to sexually excite

that was the exceptional power of the castrato.

The amazing cultural popularity of castrati
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:30 pm in the seventeenth and eighteenth

centuries
must share some relationship with the petimetre. Both dabbled in the

realms of androgyny and gender instability to stimulate sexual and artistic curiosity.

A castrato could play a woman in one opera, and the following week

portray the Greek military hero Achilles. Many of their greatest admirers were

women, who were not infrequently found in their beds.23 Whether women were

attracted to the castrato’s femininity, the promise of sex without consequences,

or the truly enchanting castrati voice is impossible to know. Nonetheless, many

castrati gained reputations for being oversexed. Because castrati were known not

to be physically men, however, they provide a wonderful foil to understand how

masculinity was constructed during the early modern period. Castrati had the

reputation for frivolity, vanity, enjoying perfumes, using make-up, emotionality,

instability, and immoderation. Their castrated bodies were described as corpulent,

lanky, soft, and hairless. Conversely, whereas the castrato lacked wholeness,

1076 journal of social history summer 2005

a “man” had to be physically intact, unbroken.24 A “man’s” body was hard and

not smooth, it was possessed of a low-voice, and it had hair. This physical constitution

of a “man,” according to the Galenic theory of humors still dominant

in seventeenth century Spanish medicine, made him practical, reasonable, and

emotionally stable. As will be shown below, the castrate, the non-man, played

an important role in the ordinary figuring of masculinity and manhood in the

Spanish village.

In the small villages of early modern Spain a sharper image of “true” manhood

emerged through the social excision of adult males who did not fit the idealized

image. As Michel Foucault has explained, often “normal” or “legitimate” are first

distilled by exposing what they are not. Institutions focus on the “abnormal” or

“illicit” in an effort to control society and the people in it.25 Foucault used the

example of psychologists who first classified the myriad types of insanity rather

than defining what actually constituted sanity. In seventeenth century Paris the

insane were classified and forcibly separated from the sane. The court cases that

form the basis of my research served much the same negative function in characterizing

masculinity just as Foucault and Gilmore have described. But rather

than simply focusing on “unmanly” behaviors, the church court concerned itself

with a man’s body. The court exposed anatomically deficient or supposedly

abnormal men to reinforce a clearer concept of manhood increasingly based on

physicality. As a consequence of this tighter focus on the male body the institution

of the church court also surreptitiously effeminized male litigants.

Most overtly, the court violated male bodies through medical examination,

sometimes repeatedly. Doctors and surgeons hired by the court disrobed men,

touched them, and even sexually stimulated them to see if they could emit the

verum semen that only “true” men reputedly could produce. By subjecting an

individual to this intimate sexual examination, even if a judge confirmed the

defendant’s sexual ability, the person was publicly emasculated. The court and

its probing doctors and surgeons had made of him a passive sexual object, even

if the examinations were always portrayed in the documents as coldly objective

and rational. There was, as Pierre Darmon has noted, a clear affirmation in this

legal process of the court’s sexual power over the laity.26 Men became the passive

objects of court inquiries into their nature.

This anatomical scrutiny highlights the fact that a man’s body clearly mattered

in the early modern formation of masculinity, just as it did in ethnographic

descriptions from the twentieth century. Obvious secondary sexual characteristics

moderated manliness: height, strength, deep voice, dark hair and complexion

all imbued masculinity. Spanish medical knowledge of the age, still heavily

based on Galen and scholasticism, assumed that light-skinned men were colder

and phlegmatic.27 Two medical depositions suffice as quick demonstrations of

these assumptions: In 1692 Dr. Francisco Diez de Ysla attested to the obvious

virility of thirty-year-old Andres de Molino Balladar because he was bearded

and had a flush complexion.28 In 1712, however, the virility of Luis de Meñaca

was doubtful; along with other physical factors the doctor noted his red hair and

pale skin.29 Such statements from three hundred years ago echo what Anton

Blok has described as part of Mediterranean ideals of masculinity: “Adult males

must be barbatos, literally ‘provided with a beard’ : : : ”30

The physical and sexual requirements of masculinity can be favorably comMANHOOD

AND THE NEUTERED BODY 1077

pared to corresponding requirements for early modern womanhood. Sexual purity

was an obvious and essential quality of the model early modern woman,

as ubiquitous images of the Virgin Mary reminded Spaniards daily. The conservation

and protection of virginity, and chastity after marriage, were integral

to being a respected woman in the community, parish, and church.31 Virginity

was not simply a reputation for sexual behavior, but it was a physical state that

could be tested and proved. Virginity could be attested to by midwives through

an examination of the bride before a marriage. It might also be proved, supposedly,

by a display of blood-stained sheets from the marital bed the morning after

the wedding night.32 Whether or not these methods were flawed matters not;

what is important is that ideal womanhood was, in part, physical. The hymen

was not simply a sign or proof of chastity; rather, being physically “intact” supposedly

imparted strength, youth and holiness to the woman.Women who lost

their virginity, even legitimately in marriage, were invariably described as broken,

corrupted, and spoiled.33 Though not defined by sexual purity in the way

that women were, men’s bodies also had to meet sexual requirements.

Early modern manhood was defined through male sexual performance. Of all

the things a person had to do to achieve and maintain status as a man, sexual

penetration was the crucial physical act. Only penile erection, penetration,

and emission in the vagina completed and perfected a marriage, and aside from

ordination, only marriage elevated a man to full male status in early modern society.

The Basque Martin Guerre, made famous in our era by Natalie Z. Davis’s

The Return of Martin Guerre, was not able to perform as a man sexually during

the first eight years after his marriage. Martin’s unsatisfied wife nearly annulled

their marriage because of his impotence.34 Certainly, if he had not been able to

marry Martin would have lived as an auxiliary member of his father or brother’s

family, not being able to form a lineage of his own. Becoming a husband was

the crucial step that was part and parcel of other promotions in status; in English

the word “husband” originally meant, after all, the master of a house.35

Marriage for a man may have accompanied moving from journeyman to master,

mozo to vecino (adolescent to citizen), or dependent son to head of a household.

But clearly, marriage was critical to becoming a man.36 Even when the Catholic

Church accepted priests for ordination, it required them to be sexually intact

and able.37 And yet, because sexual intercourse usually occurred in private, behind

doors, and perhaps in the dark, a carnal proof of manhood was often, in

reality, unnecessary to attain manhood in seventeenth century Spain. Because

sexual behavior was most often hidden it was always difficult for church courts

to intervene in marriages and tie men to the sexual requirements of its definition

of manhood. Proudly displayed codpieces, after all, could be empty. Unlike

female virginity, there was not a standard public way to uncover the male body.

As an example that the hidden penis could be ignored when claiming manhood

in early modern Europe we have the great success of Antonio de Erauso,

born Catalina de Erauso in 1585. If we are to believe her tale, from 1600 to

1620 Erauso lived as a man, traveling to the Americas to seek greater opportunity

and, no doubt, anonymity.38 To everyone she met she proved her manhood

by her dress, romantic flirtations with women, and violence. Catalina boasted

of the fights in which she stabbed and/or slashed many an unfortunate man with

her sword. Eruaso lived as a man though she lacked a penis and testicles, and

1078 journal of social history summer 2005

could not sexually penetrate and emit the verum semen required by ecclesiastical

definitions of sexual virility.39 Finally, after one of her many confrontations

and murders, she escaped justice by revealing herself as a woman to a bishop

in Peru. Catalina de Erauso made for Spain and claimed respect and fame from

an admiring King, Church, and public; all were amazed that a woman could

have proved herself as manly as any man in the Spanish colonies. Yet Erauso’s

example became famous and acceptable because it was rare. More frequently,

individuals who did not conform to their place in the gender system were exposed

and ostracized. Their bodies would be uncovered and used to place them

outside gender norms. This is what usually occurred to hermaphrodites.

In its effort to order society the Church needed to help communities define

who was and was not a man. Hermaphrodites, those who were patently between

sexes and often derided as monsters, presented church courts with urgent and

difficult cases of ambiguity. In the diocese of Calahorra and La Calzada we have

the case of Juan/a de Leyda. In 1711 the tribunal of the diocese began an investigation

into the question of whether Juan/a de Leyda was able to marry or not.

Juan/a’s sexual ambiguity began to worry family and community members when,

at the age of twenty-one, s/he showed obvious interest in sex and marriage as a

man. Juan/a engaged in “an illicit exchange” with a girl of his parish with whom

s/he had also discussed marriage.40 Court physician, Dr. Lucas de Salas, physically

examined the young individual in the city of Calahorra on April 16, 1711.

Dr. Salas displayed his disgust in a medical report to the court.With the considerable

weight of his learned opinion he denied Juan/a any claim to a gender:

there being the virile member (if it even merits that name) . . . that nature (which

always is parted from one) divided to make two instruments from what should have

been one; two were made, and both with total imperfection . . . 41

Without a gender, Juan/a lost considerable opportunities in the community.

The tribunal did what it could to quarantine sexually Juan/a. The judge aimed

to protect the village of Salinillas from what he considered a horrific sexual

anomaly. Juan/a was ordered not to leave Salinillas, not to enter the service of

the Church, not to have illicit sexual contact with anyone, and s/he certainly

was not to marry.42 Juan/a was considered a sexual monster and therefore had

neither the rights of a man nor a woman, lay or cleric. Yet outwardly, Juan/a was

expected to reinforce and conform to the strict division of genders that ordered

society, even though it held no legitimate place for her/him. The court mandated

that s/he dress as a man, and commanded the local parish priest to doctor Juan/a’s

baptismal record. They changed her/his name at birth from “Juana” to “Juan.”43

With the preceding case in mind, it should be noted that members of the

community, not the church court, often brought people who might cause sexual

disorder to the attention of authorities. Direct accusation to the court, or quiet

denunciation to neighbors, a bailiff, or a local priest were the usual paths to judicial

scrutiny. The church court, in other words, did not search for and destroy

sexual reprobates, rather it relied on the active participation of the community.

Members of the community were anxious about individuals in their midst

who did not merit the rights pertaining to manhood; rights of inheritance, local

politics, and social stature. Womanhood, usually marked by entrance into marMANHOOD

AND THE NEUTERED BODY 1079

riage, was also guarded by ritualistic communal standards.44 Furthermore, even

though the church court required Juan to remain celibate, he/she could not join

the ranks of the clergy in the service of God. Those chosen to serve Him needed

to fit into His perfectly ordered creation. Despite some early modern literature

that suggested a place in creation for the hermaphrodite, at the local level Juan/a

was considered an anomaly, a monster, and his imperfect soul was revealed by his

imperfect body.45 But sexual imperfection was to be found in other conditions

as well, such as in eunuchs and monorchids.

Manhood in Spain has long been associated with cojones, “balls,” (testicles).

Ethnographer Anton Blok, perhaps, explains this connection best:

Hombría [manliness] implies a direct reference to the physical basis of honour:

those who live up to this ideal have cojones (testicles), while those who fail to show

fearlessness are lacking in manliness and are considered manso, that is, castrated,

tame.46

Into the twentieth century Basque mothers fed their boys rams’ testicles in soup

(“Rocky Mountain oysters”) to ensure they would grow into men. Charles II,

that last, sterile, pitiful Hapsburg who left Spain without an heir, was fed bulls’

testicles, again in soup, in the hope they might conjure his own virile spirits.

Obviously cases in which castrates appeared in court reveal better than any litigation

communal anxieties about manhood, marriage and gender status. Castration

in Spain has a long history. Historians interested in the development

of musical castrati in Europe often point to Islamic Spain as the source of early

castrates and the medieval practice of castration. Spain, however, cannot be singled

out as the originator of European castration, at least according to musical

historian Richard Sherr, who points to the long tradition of castrates in northern

France as well.47 For the purposes of this investigation what can be stated

more concretely is that in the early modern era the removal of either one or both

testicles from young boys was, apparently, not entirely rare in Spain.48 Whether

they lost testes to cure a hernia, become a castrato singer, or for another purpose

altogether, several men appeared in court lacking testicles. It should be of no surprise

that common health problems regularly left many early modern Spanish

men lacking testicles. Referring to Italy, Valeria Finucci has found a similar situation:

“Castration was hardly uncommon in the Renaissance, and not so much

because there were castrati singers, I would argue, but because at any given day

a number of men circulated in the streets with somewhat suffering or damaged

genitalia.”49 The presence of men who lacked one or both “cojones” (testicles)

in small communities meant that manhood had a discernable physical component;

no one could take it for granted that all men were, indeed, sexually intact.

One entertaining example of the sentiment that the possession of testicles

was sometimes to be doubted comes from the seventeenth century comedy The

Examination of Suitors. In search of an appropriate husband, Marquesa Doña Inés

interviews several male candidates. During one of the examinations a servant

turns to the audience and says “What a beautiful thing, a melodic and subtle

voice, from a man with such a beard!”50 The implication is that, given his soft

voice, there was the possibility that he might be a castrate. In this instance, all

doubt was removed by the suitor’s full beard.

1080 journal of social history summer 2005

Physically emasculated men, often pilloried by communities in small villages

as “capons,” provided important foils against which masculinity could be defined.

Regardless of their infamous local reputations, or perhaps to restore them,

these castrates occasionally attempted to marry. They were determined to claim

masculine status in court, thereby proving to their communities and families

that they were men. Of these married castrates, some were taken to court and

thereby entered the historical record.

As an initial example we have Juan de Aleson who, in 1685, was forced to

separate from his wife of twenty years, María de Lagaria, because their families

claimed Juan was a castrate. Why the families decided to denounce the couple

to court after so many years of marriage is unknown. Perhaps inheritance issues

were called into question; maybe the community had simply gradually grown intolerant

of the couple as an anomaly. Both were residents of the town of Nájera,

a small town that lies in the dry northern plain of Old Castile, just south of the

river Ebro, in the modern province of La Rioja. Aware that as a castrate Juan

was unfit for matrimony, family members took the case to the bishop’s court in

Logroño to annul the marriage.

In beginning its investigation the court first ordered Juan and María to separate.

The court discovered that Juan had long been widely known in the community

as a castrate—further proof that manhood required both cojones and a

reputation for having them. Not only had many people known him to be a castrate,

but even Juan had often candidly admitted that he lacked testicles. In one

of the many stories that witnesses recalled about Juan’s reputation as the local

eunuch, a man named Juan Izquierdo junior began a fight with Juan de Aleson.

During the squabble Juan “el capon” allegedly impugned Izquierdo’s masculinity

by saying that he regretted “that he didn’t have balls to give him.”51 Yet despite

his well-known reputation as “el capon,” Juan de Aleson and María de Legaria

had married and lived as man and wife for twenty years. There seemed to have

been some alarm at the time of their marriage. According to the testimony of

their neighbor Bernabe de Arriaza, when Juan’s older brother asked María de

Legaria why she married a castrate, she replied “that that way she would be free

from dying in childbirth : : : ”52 Though the marriage was undoubtedly unusual,

aside from posing these perplexing questions, no one of the family was concerned

enough about the marriage initially to bring the couple to court. Only

when María, failing to avoid the dangers of childbirth, begat a child did family

members finally interfere and work to bring an end to her false marriage to Juan.

The child might have kindled family anxiety about claims to their estate. They

may have needed to demonstrate that the child could not have been Aleson’s

and therefore had no right to his property and theirs.

Community and family members’ litigation to end Aleson’s marriage illuminates

the social issues that castration most affected. The community was asserting

its belief that manhood in their society should not be claimed by anyone

who was not physically capable of penetrative, reproductive sex. A neutered

man could not reproduce, could not have a lineage, and therefore should not

marry and maintain a household. Exclusion from these institutions resulted in

being barred from local politics because only heads of households could fully

participate in municipal government. Sexual capacities were the foundation for

gender distinctions and rights. The Catholic Church had long before defended

MANHOOD AND THE NEUTERED BODY 1081

this widespread concern for communal sexual order in Spain. Pope Sixtus V

unequivocally prohibited marriage to castrates in 1587 when he responded to

the Spanish papal nuncio’s question about several women in Madrid who had

married eunuchs.53

Re: Books on castration and eunuchs

Posted: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:35 pm
by vesal_mas (imported)
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:34 pm MANHOOD AND THE NEUTERED BODY 1081

this widespread concern for communal sexual order in Spain. Pope Sixtus V

unequivocally prohibited marriage to castrates in 1587 when he responded to

the Spanish papal nuncio’s question about several women in Madrid who had

married eunuchs.53

The prevalence of castrated men is a crucial factor if we are to attempt to

understand early modern masculinity. Certainly more boys were castrated during

the seventeenth century in Spain than we might expect. Castration often

guaranteed an individual an education and thereafter a livelihood singing in

cathedral choirs. Such an income would not only have benefited the castrato but,

more importantly, the family that castrated him. The obvious conclusion that

many historians have drawn from the pervasiveness of castration in early modern

Spain, then, is that it was a means of social mobility for impoverished peasant

families. Poor Spanish peasant families, the scenario goes, with too many

mouths to feed, eking out a living farming the infertile soil of the Spanish central

plateau, saw the castration of a son as a means to better their material condition.

Castration would win for him an education, and an income, and thus

provide the parents with a means to escape poverty. If particularly talented, a

young castrato might hope to win entrance into the Royal School of Boy Singers.54

Of more than 250 marital litigation cases in the church court of
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:34 pm the diocese

of Calahorra and La Calzada
between 1650 and 1750 there were nineteen cases

of castrated men. Thirteen had had one testicle removed, and six lost both.

Admittedly, this is not an overwhelming number of castrates and monorchids

(monotesticular men); and it should not be surprising to find such people involved

in the primary focus of my investigations: cases in which wives sought

annulments using the accusation that their husbands were impotent. Yet several

characteristics of these suits demonstrate that such castrations were more common

than we might expect. For one seventeenth century French parish Patrick

Barbier claims to have discovered more than five hundred boys castrated under

the pretext of hernia operations.55 Aside from the many documented cases that

I have found in Spain, the court often treated missing testicles as ordinary rather

than extraordinary. The many men who were castrated but did not attempt to

marry, and therefore did not appear in the court records, can only be guessed

at. But by all accounts castration was common enough to be a characteristic of

early modern society that we would not recognize today. Michael McVaugh has

demonstrated the popularity of castration in Italy beginning in the fourteenth

century and clearly linked it to hernia surgery.56 The fact that hernista, “hernia

surgeon,” was a profession unto itself speaks to the prevalence of castration

throughout Spain. Up until the mid-eighteenth century hernia surgery usually

involved the removal of testicles.

Several musicologists have argued that hernia operations in the early modern

period were often pretexts for castration.57 Some contemporary Spaniards

held the same opinion. One eighteenth century Spanish surgeon painted a grim

picture of the dishonest hernia surgeon:

The day being selected, the parents abandon the house because they lack the

courage to listen to the cries of their son: some of the assistants are disturbed,

others are troubled, and no one looks clearly at the actions of the surgeon, in this

manner giving approval to what he does. He carries out his bloody show, pulling

out the balls, while pretending to have left them inside [the boy].58

1082
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:34 pm journal of social history summer 2005

According to this same author, one particular gelder had a hungry dog on hand to

which he would slip the severed organs during the operation, thereby destroying

the evidence.59 The above scenarios generally placed the blame for castration

on deceptive hernia surgeons and on the Church, which created a demand for

castrati voices. Such literature was, of course, part of typical eighteenth century

anti-clerical polemic, but the main thesis of such descriptions rings true: the

popularity for castrati necessitated the invention of common pretexts for castration.

Hernias were a common pretext.

A couple of cases i
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:34 pm n the diocese of Calahorra and La Calzada
corroborate

the implication that at least some hernia surgeons purposefully castrated boys in

early modern Spain. Agueda Yzquierdo, for instance, could recall the castration

of Juan de Alesón, the full castrate who later married María de Legaria. Agueda

testified, somewhat matter-of-factly, that Juan’s father “arranged to castrate the

said [Juan de Alesón] his son and the gelder or hernia surgeon was in his house to

perform [the castration], as she was a neighbor the witness passed by the house

and saw how the said surgeon castrated and gelded of both sides the said Juan de

Alesón : : : ”60 Unfortunately the witness never stated exactly why Diego castrated

his son. In another case a witness claimed that, because the hernista was

conveniently in the village operating on his own boy, another man arranged to

have his son castrated too.61

Family members, more often than the church itself, worked to publicize the

genital deficiencies of their kin. In 1689 José Ruíz de Çorçano petitioned the

church court for a marriage license because family members were allegedly preventing

him from marrying: “ : : : some of his relatives, for hate and ill will and

for other personal ends have informed [the priest] that he suffers from : : : impotence

: : : [because] they removed both [of his] testicles.”62 José argued that this

was simply a lie, that he was fit for marriage, and asked the court to interview

the surgeon who had performed the operation. The tribunal did just that, and

brought master hernia surgeon Joseph Matute before the court to testify. The

hernia surgeon confirmed José’s claim, making it clear in his testimony that he

had left him with one healthy testicle. After a physical examination of José, a

separate doctor and surgeon team concurred, and the ecclesiastical court gave

the young man permission to marry. He was confirmed in his manhood.

Four months later, however, José’s older brother, Juan Ruíz Sorzano, hired a

lawyer to contest his younger brother’s right to marry. He urged the court to

reverse its first decision. Juan begged the court not only to forbid his younger

brother a marriage license, but to make him pay the court fees and order José to

be forever silent on the subject of any future matrimony. Juan, the older brother,

justified this meddling into his brother’s life “because my complaint is legitimate

and legal to contradict [my brother] because it looks to the defense and service

of God : : : ”63 Not only was Juan interested in stopping a castrate from polluting

what was a holy sacrament, marriage, he also asserted “ : : : that [my complaint]

prevents serious inconveniences that would occur if it would happen that [José]

marries.”64

This case shows how important full masculine status could be for a family and

community. Both brothers’ pleas to the court reveal a family feud over money,

land and possibly even petty political power in a small community. Their clash

was not just about this one marriage. Juan and the family, in fact, wanted José
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83

never to marry. Therefore the case did not arise because this particular bride was

a bad match for José. If José ever married he would apparently ruin an overall

family plan. Why? The motivations are only hinted at in the petitions and the

trial. José claimed that his family was preventing the marriage due to hatred,

ill will, and with “other personal goals” in mind. Juan argued that a marriage

by José would cause “serious inconveniences.” Economic motivations are the

most likely cause of the dispute. Juan, as an older brother, may have wanted

to preserve the family’s estate, keeping it for himself and his own children. An

unmarried brother would have lived off the estate, but would not have been able

to alienate any part of it to his own wife and children. There was little to worry

about if one’s younger brother was a reputed castrate. Perhaps the castration

of his younger brother had even been planned; though gruesome, this would

not have been such a bizarre practice and was not unknown in other parts of

Europe. According to Patrick Barbier, in Naples peasant families with four or

more sons were permitted to castrate one for the benefit of the Church.65With

his brother’s marriage Juan would also cede some of the family’s political standing

in the community. José, for his part, would become an independent vecino with

a voice in the community, as well as gain a family and household of his own.

The castration of José, then, was perhaps a way to prevent the alienation of the

family’s estate.

Two years earlier the court witnessed a similar quarrel from the town of Villar

del Rio. In this case Domingo de Viana was being prevented from marriage by

his father, Matheo de Viana. The seventy-year-old father, Matheo, personally

warned the local priest that his son, Domingo, at the age of twenty-seven, was a

castrate. The priest was thereby forced to stop the banns from being announced

for Domingo’s approaching marriage. In testimony to the court the priest stated

that, when Domingo’s father announced Domingo’s lack of manhood, the son

“for having been prevented [from marriage by his father] the said son placed

hands on [his father] and treated him very badly.”66 Domingo had been “castrated”

at the age of two, and again a year later (the word used was “castrated,”

but these were apparently hernia operations). His father believed that these two

operations had left his son fully castrated. Matheo had supposed that the hernia

surgeon only left one testicle within Domingo “for appearances : : : ”67 He had

been content to know that his young son had been left unmarriageable. Perhaps

the father in this case, so late in life, was intent on preventing the marriage of

a son because he hoped to keep an inheritance intact, perhaps in the hands of

another son. In any case, manhood was to be denied Domingo, as it would be

denied those who were impotent.

As demonstrated in the case of castrates, manhood clearly depended on physical

attributes: being a sexually intact male. But it also required continual, or

at least occasional, proof of the sexual operation. Impotence at any moment

threatened to rob a man of his virility, and through gossip and reputation, his

masculine status. Of course it should not surprise anyone that masculinity was

synonymous with sexual ability and prowess in the epoch and country of Don

Juan, the nearly mythical seducer and defiler of women. Like Don Juan’s feats,

male sexual ability had to be demonstrated and defended, especially when such

abilities were publicly doubted. Generally impotence was a private trauma that

occasionally became a communal concern through networks of gossip. But it also

108
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:34 pm 4 journal of social history summer 2005

often became a legal question when it impinged on the ability to effect marriage.

In such court cases a man would be forced to prove his virility to court, producing

detailed records that inform us today about the importance of virility in the

everyday lives of early modern Spaniards. The court made every effort to actively

link men to their sexual abilities by publicizing these proofs of manhood.

The use of banns and placards reinforced standards of masculinity by exposing

impotent men to their communities. A clear requirement of the Christian ideal

of masculinity exemplified by the model of St. Jospeh was not simply chastity,

but oddly enough, virility. The church court of Calahorra and La Calzada was

often engaged in routing out impotent husbands and dissolving their marriages.

Perhaps one of the most interesting and difficult elements of impotence cases

is trying to answer how the trial and its publicity affected the public reputation

of the allegedly impotent man. Any individual’s reputation depended largely on

community consensus. Just as a woman’s honor depended on her reputation for

modesty, seclusion, and being above suspicion of fornication in neighbors’ opinions,

a man’s honor depended on an aggregate public opinion that held him as

honest, direct, physically capable of defending his family name, and, most importantly,

as masculine. As has been emphasized time and again in regard to

women, sexual reputation was central to honor. Just as virginity and chastity

were essential to female honor, so virility was a fundamental element of masculine

honor. The church court used its control of the public sphere to participate

in the economy of sexual reputation.

Certainly an effective way to frighten and gain the attention of a husband

accused of impotence was to place his name in local parish placards. If a husband

accused of impotence fled, could not be found, or simply refused to respond

to his wife’s charges, his name and the charge would be displayed for the entire

community to see. Such notices were nailed to the doors of the local church and

then regularly announced to the parish. If more than one parish was involved

then notices would be sent to the appropriate parishes. These banns could easily

involve parishes outside the diocese. When the tribunal initiated an investigation

of an allegedly impotent husband its first order of business always stated that

if the man did not reply to the accusations within six days they would “publicize

[the charge] and declare [the charge] and place it on placards.”68 The court

would shame the accused into submission. Public humiliation was often a more

powerful method of control than even the sequestration of an individual’s money

and property. If the tribunal impounded a husband’s home he might still ignore

court orders by depending on friends or family for support. But it was difficult to

escape or ignore the ubiquitous shame caused by posters announcing that one

was impotent.

Even if an individual responded promptly and quietly to a judge’s initial letter

ordering him to appear before the court, the proceedings of an impotence trial

were not kept secret. The court’s simple administrative business spread information

about impotent men to local parish priests, notaries and perhaps other

officials in order to take testimonies and do its bidding. Often the local priest

or vicar, acting as a provisional judge (juez de comisión), needed to hire a doctor

and surgeon to perform the medical examination of the accused. The majority

of people charged with impotence were fortunate in that they were able to

have their hearings held far from their hometowns. There were, however, sev
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85

eral men called before the court who lived in Logroño and Calahorra, both seats

of the court’s operations. Their neighbors presumably could casually attend the

proceedings of the trials in which the most intimate details of their sexual lives

were revealed. In cases that concerned the rich and powerful it is possible that

transcripts of impotence trials were copied and circulated. In France, just to the

north, this was a common practice and became a literary genre unto itself in the

eighteenth century.69

Due to the public nature of impotence trials, husbands and their lawyers were

forced to deny flatly and consistently any alleged impotence and prove their

virility to the last, using all excuses, proofs and ploys necessary. During the fouryear

impotence trial of Antonio Francisco de Ydiaquez Velez Yqueziara, for instance,

the church court made public announcements calling on anyone to come

forward and give evidence about whether this Knight of the Holy Order of Santiago

was potent or impotent. After dozens of doctors had failed to corroborate

any independent movement of his penis, and several witnesses spoke against

him, his lawyer began a lengthy account of the magic spells that had been used

to douse his virility.70 Even if he lost the case, a man, especially one of Ydiaquez’s

public stature, had to save face at all costs; he had to assert that he was virile,

whatever the church court might tell the public.

If the church courts never attempted to keep impotence proceedings a secret

during the trial, after the trial an impotent person’s situation became much

worse. Once the court reached a decision it made sure to publicize its judgment.

The ecclesiastical tribunal needed to make decisions regarding impotence public

to prevent further scandal, illegitimate marriages and subsequent litigation.

When church officials were informed that a man was impotent they considered

it imperative that the community be warned. All these ways for the public to

learn about, and participate in, impotence trials made it impossible for men to

avoid the shame and alienation that accompanied impotence. The importance

of public shame in these trials demonstrates that the charge of impotence was

not merely a means to an annulment. The social stigma that went along with

impotence made such accusations more powerful. When a woman announced

to her community and church that her husband was impotent she not only began

a fight for her dowry, independence and rights, she necessarily attempted to

destroy her husband’s standing in that city or town. According to the church’s

reasoning, parishioners needed to know that he was sexually defective and not

marriageable.

Non-men—males who did not possess the biological and cultural requirements

of manhood—were increasingly defined and excised by Spanish communities

and institutions during
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:30 pm the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
A new

legal confidence in the medical profession in the eighteenth century focused attention

on the male body to accomplish this excision. The new faith in medicine

as the principal authority to define manhood stands out from these court cases

as much as the initial question of this essay: why did courts turn to a physical

definition of manhood in the eighteenth century. Wives, families, and parish

priests had come to doubt what definitively made someone essentially a man.

Via litigation they called upon an increasingly self-assured medical profession

to diagnose and classify the physical attributes of non-masculinity, in much the

same way they would descr
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:34 pm ibe the unhealthy, the abnormal, or the
insane. This

1086 journal of social history summer 2005

trend, turning away from definitions of gender that placed the body on a continuum

from masculine to feminine to essential and particular requirements of

either gender, was part of the broader epistemological shift described by Thomas

Laqueur and Londa Schiebinger. A classifying science concerned with discrete,

definable sexual characteristics began to insinuate itself in the popular discussion

of masculinity. This is a trend, of course, that continues to our own day.

Western culture continues to turn to scientists to define the non-masculine for

us as we see in the ridiculous quest for the so-called “gay gene.”71

The ideas and sentiments that surround sexual differentiation today are increasingly

divided. There is a determined opinion in the medical and social sciences

that we are, fundamentally though not exclusively, our genes. Sociologists

and psychologists of a generation ago, one the other hand, urged us to consider

differences between men and women as products of socialization. Cultural historians

generally followed their lead, looking at the many ways that definitions of

gender have changed over the centuries. In so doing many have tended to ignore

how the material body determined one’s status and life in the past. Historically

the body and its frailty were much more difficult to escape than in our own age.

The people of Spain three hundred years ago, whom we have glimpsed in this

paper, were much more at the mercy of their bodies than are people in Europe

today. The body, like place and condition, arbitrarily determined who one was

and how one was treated. Only rarely could an individual deny their physical

attributes and become who they wanted, like the self-made man Catalina de Erauso.

As definitions of gender during
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:30 pm the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries

came to rely more and more on observation of physical attributes rather than

behavior, individuals became even more defined by their bodies. Physical observation

not only came to be the basis for rigid sexual identities, but also new and

carefully defined racial and ethnic identities as well. Today the debate over body

and being continue, with the powers of observation extending to ourDNAwhile

the freedoms available for self-fashioning (plastic surgery, sex-changes, etc.) are

equally expansive.

Department of History

237 Whitener Hall

Boone, NC 28608

ENDNOTES

1. Luis Martínez Kleiser, Refranero General Ideológico Español (Madrid, 1953) refrain

64,551, p. 741. I would like to thank the J.William Fulbright Foreign Scholarship Board

and the Comisión de Intercambio Cultural, Educativo y Científico entre el Reino de España

y los Estados Unidos de América for providing funds for the research that forms the

basis of this article. Appalachian State University provided financial support for further

research at the Newberry Library in Chicago. I also thank David Reid, Mary Valante,

and JimWinders of the History department at Appalachian State University for reading

many drafts of this essay. Early and incomplete sections of this paper were presented at

the America
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:34 pm n Historical Association in Chic
ago, 2003 and at the Sixteenth Century

Studies Associat
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:34 pm ion in Pittsburgh, 2003.

MANHOOD A
ND THE NEUTERED BODY 1087

2. I
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:30 pm n the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
the Diocese of Calahorra and La Calzada

included all of what are today the Spanish provinces of La Rioja, Alava and Vizcaya.

It also held jurisdiction over parts of western Burgos, eastern Guipúzcoa and Navarra,

and Northern Soria. In the early modern period the diocese was culturally divided. The

Basque culture and peoples predominated in the half of the diocese north of the Ebro

river, while the Castilian language and culture dominated the area south of the Ebro. The

majority of litigation took place in Logroño; not the seat of the diocese, it was its largest

city and was centrally-located on the Ebro River. For the three seats of the bishopric one

historian has estimated the population of Logroño to have been no more than 7,000 at

the end of the seventeenth century. The total of Calahorra’s residents hovered around

3,600, and Santo Domingo de La Calzada boasted no more than 3,000 citizens (Eliseo

Sáinz Ripa, Sedes episcopales de La Rioja, tomo III, siglos XVI–XVII [Logroño, 1995] pp.

22–25.)

3. Angus McLaren explores court cases and the definition of masculinity in the nineteenth

and twentieth century United States in The Trials of Manhood: Policing Sexual

Boundaries 1870–1930 (Chicago and London, 1997). James R. Farr, “The Pure and Disciplined

Body: Hierarchy, Morality, and Symbolism in France during the Catholic Reformation,”

Journal of Interdisciplinary History, vol. 21, no. 3 (Winter, 1991), pp. 391–414,

and Joan Scott, “Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis,” American Historical

Review, XCI (1986).

4. Perhaps the most pertinent recent authors who have focused on the construction of

masculinity in the early modern period are Elizabeth Foyster’s excellent Manhood in Early

Modern England (London and New York, 1999), Valeria Finucci’s
JesusA (imported) wrote: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm The Manly Masquerade:

Masculinity, Paternity, and Castration in the Italian Renaissance
(Durham and London,

2003) (hereafter abbreviated “Finucci, Manly Masquerade”), and Sidney Donnell, Feminizing

the Enemy: Imperial Spain, Transvestite Drama, and the Crisis of Masculinity (Lewisburg,

2003).

5. James Farr has claimed that gender hierarchies became more acutely defined north

of the Pyrenees, in Burgundy, in the early modern period (Farr, “The Pure and Disciplined

Body”). A new emphasis on gender hierarchy and purity was caused, he argues, by the

reforms of the Counter-Reformation Church. Farr follows anthropologist Mary Douglas’s

examination of social pollution, arguing that excising female sexual pollution became a

greater concern in the seventeenth century than it had been earlier (see Mary Douglas,

Purity and Danger: An Analysis of the Concepts of Pollution and Taboo, London, 1966). In

elaborating this thesis of excision he appropriately cites Joan Scott’s assertion that “conceptual

languages employ differentiation to establish meaning and that sexual difference

is a primary way of signifying differentiation” from her seminal article “Gender: A Useful

Category of Historical Analysis,” American Historical Review, XCI (1986), 1069.

6. Whether one accepts Thomas Laqueur and Londa Schiebinger’s argument that the

“two sex” model only became the dominant biological model in the early eighteenth

century or not, in these Spanish cases genital anatomy was always used as a definitive

marker of womanhood or manhood. Such a method of sexual determination fits either

paradigm, whether the model was a Galenic sexual continuum with man at one end and

woman at the other, or a two sex dichotomy that left no place between either sex. For

a thorough argument regarding the “one sex” model see Thomas Laqueur, Making Sex:

Body and Gender from the Greeks to
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:34 pm Freud (Cambridge, Massachusetts and London,
1990).

See also Londa Schiebinger, The Mind Has No Sex ?: Women in the Origins of Modern

Science (Cambridge and London, 1989). Schiebinger and Laqueur’s thesis is by no means

1088 journal of social history summer 2005

definitive, and a recent refutation of their ideas, followed by their respective rebuttals,

can be found in Michael Stolberg’s “A Woman Down to Her Bones: the Anatomy of

Sexual Difference in the Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries,” ISIS 94:2 (June

2003), pp. 274–313. The debate seems to be as much about chronology as it is about

sexual models, as historians of the Enlightenment like Laqueur find a transition between

the models in the eighteenth century while historians of earlier periods argue for an early

transition or no evidence that the “one sex” model was entirely dominant before 1700.

7. MerryWiesner-Hanks, Christianity and Sexuality in the Early Modern World: Regulating

Desire, Reforming Practice (London and New York, 2000) p. 84.

8. Machismo, importantly, as Angie Hart points out, is a word never used in Spain, at

least in the sense that it is used in English; see Angie Hart, “Missing Masculinity?: Prostitutes,

Philippines, Spain,” in Dislocating Masculinity: Comparative Ethnographies, Andrea

Cornwall and Nancy Lindisfarne, eds. (London and New York, 1994) p. 51.

9. For a pointed critique of Gilmore’s search for definitions of masculinity, Spanish and

otherwise, see Angie Hart, “Missing Masculinity?: Prostitutes’ clients in Alicante, Spain,”

in Dislocating Masculinity: Comparative Ethnographies, Andrea Cornwall and Nancy Lindisfarne,

eds. (London and New York, 1994). It must also be noted that many studies of

Spain have focused on Andalucia. Perhaps this is because foreigners have often viewed

Andalucia as the quintessence of Spain, rather than [as] one of many different Spanish

regions.

10. Ethnographers of Spain, as anthropologists often do, emphasize continuity over

change, referring to the timeless character of the isolated and enclosed Spanish village.

However, assertions that Spanish ideals have changed little over the past three centuries

fail to take into account the huge demographic, industrial and political shifts that Spain

has undergone. So it is with a healthy skepticism that I invoke these still important

ethnographic observations. The many excellent ethnographic works on Spain, however,

are invaluable for understanding daily life in Spanish communities. See, for instance,

Susan Tax Freeman’s Neighbors: The Social Contract in a Castilian Hamlet (Chicago and

London, 1970), and Julian Pitt-Rivers, The People of the Sierra, First Ed. 1954, (Chicago,

1971). The most suitable works for Spanish masculinity are David Gilmore’s Aggression

and Community: Paradoxes of Andalusian Culture (New Haven and London, 1987), and

Stanley Brandes, Metaphors of Masculinity: Sex and Status in Andalusian Folklore (Philidelphia,

1980) p. 92.

11. Brandes, Metaphors, p. 92.

12. Gilmore, Aggression, pp. 31–33. On masculinity see also Susan Tax Freeman, Neighbors:

The Social Contract in a Castilian Hamlet (Chicago and London, 1970).

13. Gilmore, Aggresion, p. 32.

14. Anton Blok, “Rams and Billy-Goats:AKey to the Mediterranean Code of Honour,”

Man, New Series, Vol. 16, No. 3 (Sept., 1981), 427–440, p. 433. See also the Ram/Billygoat

opposition in Brandes, Metaphors, p. 79. Valeria Finucci agrees that physical (sexual)

intactness is essential to masculinity, Finu
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:34 pm cci, Manly Masquerade, p. 256. J
ulian Pitt

Rivers, on the other hand, sees actual physical intactness as apart from or secondary to

the cultural language and symbolism of the male body in his discussion of cojones: “While

MANHOOD AND THE NEUTERED BODY 1089

it is not supposed that he is literally devoid of the male physiological attributes, he is, figuratively,

so.” Pitt-Rivers, People of the Sierra, p. 90.

15. Blok, “Rams and Billy-Goats,” p. 433.

16. The non-reproductive nature of sex with the Devil made it all the more perverted;

see Finucci, Manly Masquerade, p. 272.

17. Brandes, Metaphors, p. 85.

18. Though the concern of this essay is manhood, womanhood also became more clearly

defined, of course, over the same period. Many examples can be found in the literature

of the day: Fray Luis de León’s La Perfecta Casada (The Perfect Wife) of 1583 and Juan

Luis Vives’s De Institutione Feminae Christianae (On the Education of a Christian Woman)

of 1523, for example, both clarified ideal womanly behavior and character.

19. CarolineVillaseñor Black, “Love and Marriage in the Spanish Empire: Depictions of

Holy Matrimony and Gender Discourses in the Seventeenth Century,” Sixteenth Century

Journal, XXXII/3 (2001): 637–667.

20. Villaseñor Black “Love and Marriage.”

21. Rebecca Haidt, Embodying Enlightenment: Knowing the Body in Eighteenth-Century

Spanish Literature and Culture (New York, 1998) pp. 107–148. Haidt’s insights are fascinating

and, for the most part, extremely well reasoned. Haidt demonstrates, for instance,

the relationship between petimetre/mojo, unmanly/ manly, Frenchness/Spanishness as

constant oppositional themes in the literature of the day. The only aspect lacking in

her analysis, unfortunately, is an adequate consideration of masculinity and class/status.

The effeminate man, the petimetre, that Haidt shows was the continual fool in plays and

stories was obviously of the upper class, while the playwrights themselves must have originated

from, or appealed to an audience of a different class or strata of Spanish society.

22. Ibid. p. 110.

23. There were several famous cases of castrati who so captivated women that they

eloped and attempted to legally marry. See, for instance, the case of Giusto Tenducci

and Dora Maunsell in Finucci, Manly Masquerade, p. 241.

24. Finucci, Manly Masquerade, p. 256. Also, note that only virgins were understood

to be physically intact. Once a virgin was penetrated, she lost her physical and personal

integrity, her wholeness, and also her true virtue. In this sense both castrati and nonvirginal

women shared a status as not completely whole, corrupted. They were both nonmen.

25. Michel Foucault, Madness and Civilization: A History of insanity in the Age of Reason,

trans. Richard Howard (New York, 1965) pp. 38–43. James Winders gives a succinct

explanation of this process in Gender, Theory, and the Canon (Madison and London,

1991) p. 31.

26. One of Darmon’s main arguments is that the Church and its courts used impotence

trials to emasculate
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:34 pm lay men in an attempt to exorcize their
own sexual neuroses, see

Pierre Darmon, Damning the Innocent: A History of the Persecution of the Innocent in Pre-

Revolutionary France, trans. Paul Keegan (New York, 1986) p. 2.

1090 journal of social history summer 2005

27. Finucci, Manly Masquerade, p. 247.

28. Archivo Catedralico y Diocesano de Calahorra (hereafter abbreviated ACDC),

Legajo 27/309/1, f. 6.

29. ACDC, Legajo 27/555/23, f. 12.

30. Blok, “Rams and Billy-Goats,” p. 433.

31. For an ethnographic explanation of the importance of virginity in the Mediterranean

world see Brandes, Metaphors, p. 181. For the historical development of the cult

of virginity in Europe see Kathleen Coyne Kelly, Performing Virginity and Testing Chastity

in the Middle Ages (London and New York, 2000).

32. As an example of the tradition of exposing blood stained sheets after consummation

in Spain see Pierre Darmon who quotes a witness: “the Spaniards, that are great observers

of ceremony, on the day following the wedding do have matrons show the sheets of the

nuptial bed in public with great acclaim, to parade the stains of defloration, crying out all

the while from a window: Virgin la tenemos [we’ve got a virgin],” in Pierre Darmon, Trial

by Impotence: Virility and Marriage in pre-Revolutionary France (London, 1985) p. 149.

33. Renato Barahona examines in depth the language surrounding the loss of virginity

in “Carnal Knowledge: The Language of Sex,” Chapter Two of his book Sex Crimes,

Honour, and the Law in Early Modern Spain: Vizcaya, 1528–1735 (Toronto, Buffalo, and

London, 2003).

34. Natalie Zemon Davis, The Return of Martin Guerre (London and Cambridge, Massachusetts,

1983) pp. 20–21.

35. George Caspar Homans, English Villagers of the Thirteenth Century (New York and

London, 1941) pp. 72–73.

36. Haidt, for instance, emphasizes this connection in her discussion of the unmarried

petimetre. Haidt, Embodying Enlightenment, p. 112. See also Anne S. Lombard who also

demonstrates the early modern interdependency between marriage and becoming a man

in Making Manhood: Growing Up Male in Colonial New England (Cambridge, Mass., 2003).

37. This is according to the Council of Nicaea 325. See Finucci, Manly Masquerade, p.

256.

38. A great deal of skepticism surrounds Catalina de Erauso’s autobiography, which she

wrote or dictated between 1626 and 1630. Yet, that she lived, and lived as a man for

much of her life seems incontrovertible; several extant contemporary letters mention

her, as does the pension given to her from Philip IV for military service to the king.

However, many of the feats and adventures she describes in her book clearly seem to be

exaggerations or even inventions. See Catalina de Erauso, Memoir of a Basque Transvestite

in the New World, trans. Michele Stepto and Gabriel Stepto (Boston, 1996). Federico

Garza Carvajal includes a full, if uncritical, discussion of Erauso as the ideal Spanish

man in his Butterflies Will Burn: Prosecuting So
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:34 pm domites in Early Modern Spain an
d Mexico

(Austin, 2003) pp. 18–21.

39. Joseph Bajada, Sexual Impotence: The Contribution of Paolo Zacchia (1584–1659)

(Rome, 1988) p.87, (hereafter abbreviated as “Bajada, Paolo Zacchia”).

MANHOOD AND THE NEUTERED BODY 1091

40. “una communicación ylicita . . . ” ACDC, Legajo 27/631/11, f. 2.

41. “allandose el mienbro viril (si merecer, ni el nombre deello) . . . por quanto diuidida

la naturaleza (que siempre es desunata ad unum) hacer dos instrumentos de lo que hauia

de hazer uno, hizo dos, y anbos con toda inperfeccion . . . ” ACDC, Legajo 27/631/11, f.

3.

42. The fact that Juan was not permitted to enter the clergy highlights a curious and

important point regarding how the body was connected to sanctity, order, and sexuality.

The canon law that required clerics to be physically intact dates back to the Council

of Nicaea (Finucci, Manly Masquerade, p. 256). That council found the self-castration

of certain aesthetic monks disturbing and worked to prevent them from entering the

Church hierarchy.

43. There has been a great deal of work on hermaphrodites over the past two decades.

Several famous cases have been unearthed and explored by historians of gender. Two

important overviews will provide interested readers with a point of departure: Patrick

Graille, Les hermaphrodites: aux XVIIe et XVIII siècles (Paris, 2001), and Alice Domurat

Dreger’s Hermaphrodites and the Medical Invention of Sex (Cambridge and London, 1998).

44. Take, for instance, the importance of the coif that denoted the difference between

girl and married woman. Synodal decrees in early modern Spain chastised women who

took the toca de mujer without being legitimately married or after sexual relations: “que,

de aqui adelante, ninguna muger, despues que hiziere vida maridable con su marido, sea

osada de andar sino con toca de casada . . . ” “Sínodo de Antonio de Guevara,” Mondoñedo,

November 13, 1541, Synodicon Hispanum, Antonio García y García ed. (Madrid,

1987), vol. 3, p. 73. This change in women was particularly marked by a change in

hairstyle and headdress. As for men, passage into adulthood was accomplished by marriage

or entrance into religion. See Barahona, Sex Crimes, p. 33, also Farr, “The Pure and

Disciplined Body,” p. 406.

45. This idealization of the hermaphrodite is contained in the origin of the word in

Greek mythology: Hermaphrodite was the offspring of Hermes and Aphrodite. Thus the

original hermaphrodite was not a monster but a product of Hermes, clever messenger

of the gods, and Aphrodite, goddess of beauty and love (Graille, Les hermaphrodites,

pp. 18–19). An early modern example of the hermaphrodite as a utopian sexual being,

containing in itself the best of both sexes there is Thomas Artus sieur d’ Embry’s

Les Hermaphrodites, 1605. Aside from a select literature and fables that idealized the

hermaphrodite, there was a pervasive sentiment that regarded her/him as a monster, not

only among the populace, but also increasingly among the educated of the Enlightenment

who, newly wed to the idea of a binary sexual system, saw no natural place in creation

for anything in between sexes (Graille, Les hermaphrodites, p. 60).

46. Blok, “Rams and Billy-Goats,” p. 432. See also Pitt-Rivers, People of the Sierra, p. 90.

47. Spain, once a part of and greatly affected by the Islamic world, had witnessed the

production of eunuchs over the centuries. Various historians have assumed that the creation

of castrati in Spain was a Christian Mediterranean version of the Islamic Mediterranean

production of and trade in eunuchs. Sherr argues that the Mediterranean or Muslim

worlds cannot be blamed for beginning the practice of castration in early modern

Europe. He points out that many of
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:34 pm the early castrati came from Northern F
rance and

the Low Countries long before Italy and Spain would dominate the castrati production

and profession. See Richard Sherr, “Gugliemo Gonzaga and the Castrati,” R
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:32 pm enaissance

1092 journal of social h
istory summer 2005

Quarterly, vol. 33, issue 1 (Spring, 1980) 33–56, p. 37. On the prevalence of castration

in the Eastern Mediterranean see Kathryn M. Ringrose,
JesusA (imported) wrote: Fri Jan 25, 2008 5:40 pm The Perfect Servant: Eunuchs and

the Social Construction of
Gender in Byzantium (Chicago and London, 2003).

48. Contemporaries, social commentators and later historians have mainly settled on

two possible reasons for early modern
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:30 pm castration: one medical and the other musical.

Clearly there were medical reasons that justified castration in the seventeenth and eighteenth

centuries. Childhood illnesses and accidents occasionally resulted in the removal

of testicles. Before 1772 childhood inguinal hernias frequently required surgery. In 1772

a protective belt called the manezuela was invented to prevent inguinal hernias (Nicolás

Morales, “El real colegio de niños cantors y una práctica discutida a finales del siglo XVIII

: la castración,” Revista de Musicología, Vol. XX, no.1, [Enero-Diciembre 1997], p. 7, hereafter

abbreviated as “Morales, ‘El real colegio de niños’ ”). Inguinal hernias occasionally

occur to young boys when the inguinal canal that separates the intestinal cavity from

the groin fails to close before the birth of the male infant. If open, part of the intestines

can descend out of the inguinal canal, producing a hernia. This condition required an

operation to prevent the hernia from growing and endangering the life of the child. Such

surgery usually involved the removal of at least one testicle; perhaps both were removed.

In fact, most court cases about castration focused on the question of what the hernia

surgeon actually did. According to the oft repeated testimony in these court cases, a surgeon

specialized in hernias called a hernista (hernia surgeon) or sometimes potrero (gelder)

would perform the operation. He would open the scrotum, remedy the intestinal hernia,

and then remove one testicle completely.

49. Finucci, Manly Masquerade, p. 248.

50. “Linda cosa, la voz sutil y melosa, en un hombre muy barbado!” Act One of El

Examen de Maridos, Juan Ruiz de Alarcón, 1633.

51. “que no tenia coxones para darle . . . ” ACDC, Legajo 27/566/40, f. 7.

52. “que asi estubiera libre de morir de parto . . . ” ACDC, Legajo 566/40, f. 1 back.

53. Bajada, Paolo Zacchia, p. 16.

54. Interest in the castrati singers has been the main reason for historical investigations

of castration in Europe. Music historians and musicologists have provided the social background

of castration. Understandably, but unfortunately, their focus has almost exclusively

been the production of castrati. This leads to the assumption that the production

of castrati was the exclusive reason for castration of young boys. Patrick Barbier’s Histoire

des Castrats, for instance, emphasizes the prevalence of castration in early modern Italy,

and then takes for granted that all these boys had been castrated due to the popularity of

castrati. He simply does not deal with castration as a European phenomenon outside of

music. See Patrick Barbier, Histoire des castrats (Paris, 1989) p. 29.

55. Finucci, Manly Masquerade, p. 251.

56. Michael R. Mc
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:34 pm Vaugh, “Treatment of Hernia in t
he Later Middle Ages: Surgical

Correction and Social Construction,” Medicine from the Black Death to the French Disease,

Edited by Roger French, et al. (Singapore, Sydney, 1998), p. 134

57. For the common assumptions equating hernia surgery with castration see Finucci,

Manly Masquerade, p. 239, n. 36 as well as McVaugh, “Treatment of Hernia in the Later

MANHOOD AND THE NEUTERED BODY 1093

Middle Ages?” The most notorious cause for castration was the purposeful creation of a

castrato singer. The need for castrati in the late sixteenth century had arisen as a consequence

of the Church’s post-Tridentine efforts to enforce the cloistered life of religious

women. Women were prohibited from participating in many musical productions. Castrates

were used to replace high female voices. Later, new musical tastes in the sixteenth

and seventeenth centuries for Italian opera increased the demand for castrati. The castrato,

possessing the voice of a boy and lung capacity of an adult, was uniquely able to

perform lengthy ornamentation without taking a breath, a musical quality much desired

by wealthy patrons (Sherr, “Gugliemo Gonzaga”).

58. “Señalase el día, y los padres huyen de la casa, porque les falta el valor para escuchar

los clamores de su hijo: los asistentes unos se turban, y otros se desmayan, y nadie mira con

ojo sereno lo que se executa, con que aprovechandose de esta confusion, exerce sus titeres

sanguinarios, arrancando los Didimos, y aparentando que los dexa dentro.” A. Agüello

Castrillo, Disertacion chirurgica, Madrid, Ed. Pantaleon Aznar (1775), p. 15 Quoted in

Morales, “El real colegio de niños,” p. 9.

59. Ibid.

60. “trat
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:34 pm o de castrar al dho su hijo y estando el
potrero o hernista en su casa para ejecutarlo

como tal bezino paso la testigo a ella y bio como el dho hernista castró y capó de

ambos lados al dho Juan de Alesón . . . ” ACDC, Legajo 27/566/40, f. 16.

61. Archivo Historico Provincial de Logroño, Legajo J 965/3, from an impotence case

before the local abbot’s court of the Abbey of Najéra, part of the diocese of Calahorra

and La Calzada, f. 4.

62. “ . . . algunos de sus parientes, por odio y mala voluntad y por otros fines particulares

lean informado de que padece . . . impotentia . . . [porque] le quitaron ambos testiculos.”

ACDC, Legajo 27/571/50, f. 2.

63. “porque mi pte lo es lexma y formal pa contradezir la pretenson contra pr lo que mira

al celo y seruo de Dios . . . ” ACDC, Legajo 27/571/50, f. 6.

64.
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:30 pm “ . . . q se ataxen ynconbenientes graues q se orixinarian en caso de lleuar efecto el

casarss
e” Ibid.

65. Patrick Barbier, The World of the Castrati: A History of an Extraordinary Operatic

Phenomenon, trans. Margaret Crosland (London, 1996) p. 20.

66. “por haber lo el dho impedido el dho su hijo pusso manos en el [su padre] y lo trato

mui malo.” ACDC, Legajo 27/714/65.

67. “para la conpustura del mundo . . . ” Ibid.

68. “lo publiquen y declaren pongan en tablillas.” ACDC, Legajo 27/450/1, f. 1

69. On the great curiosity and popularity of impotence trials in eighteenth century Paris

see Darmon, Damning the Innocent, pp. 77–81.

70. ACDC, Legajo 345/31, folios 231–233.

71. See Dean Hamer, The Science of Desire: The Search for the Gay Gene and the Biology

of Behavior (New York, October 1994).

Re: Books on castration and eunuchs

Posted: Sat Jan 26, 2008 8:21 pm
by Paolo
Barbier's "World of the Castrati" is a very good book for insight into how the castrati lived and what they endured in music school. Granted, some leftover notes may never tell us the whole story, but it sure puts a perspective on learning...

Re: Books on castration and eunuchs

Posted: Sun Jan 27, 2008 8:56 pm
by Danya (imported)
Folks,

Just a reminder: our very own authority in residence, Jesus, has published papers on voluntary eunuchs and wannabes (sp?) and their
vesal_mas (imported) wrote: Sat Jan 26, 2008 2:27 pm reasons for seeking castration. I
f you send him an email through his link, he'll be glad to send you copies.

Re: Books on castration and eunuchs

Posted: Mon Jan 28, 2008 8:50 am
by twaddler (imported)
I'll take two, please.

Re: Books on castration and eunuchs

Posted: Tue Jul 29, 2008 4:10 pm
by davidtup (imported)
There was a book I read a couple of years ago ie mid 90's called 'blood and bone, a history of gays and religion' or something similar. Most of the references were to eunuchs and what we would now call Transexuals ie the male priestess of Diana who'd castrate them selves, etc.