Hijra in India

[JesusA (imported)]

HIJRAS: The Labelled Deviants

By Satish Kumar Sharma

New Delhi: Gian Publishing House, 1989

[This is a rather frustrating book to try to understand. It is apparently based on a Ph.D. dissertation in sociology and refers to the author's fieldwork with a number of hijra. The individuals are referred to by "case number," but there is nowhere any connected description of the individuals, as individuals. What follows is from pages 64 through 72 of the book - the most coherent section - and discusses recruitment of the hijra.]

Case 18 explained,

"At that time my age was only 10 years and I had come to know what was wrong with me. Since the children of my age would never play with me, I used to roam purposelessly. One day, a Sunday morning, I was going towards the fields when I saw a hijra going with two men having harmonium and Dholki. The hijra, in particular, was wearing shining clothes. They were talking loudly laughing and cutting sexually charged jokes at each other. I enjoyed their talks. It attracted me a lot and I thought that I could be happy only if I join them. That day, instead of going back home, I went after them. From a close quarter I watched them carefully. I also started imitating them. They reached their home and went in. The house was pretty and quite big. I did not go in but was trying to sing and dance like them in front of their home. A man with dark face and ugly looks saw me and then came down to me. He asked me my name and then holding my arm took me inside the home. He put off all clothes. It frightened me and I started crying. There were eight hijras living in that home. All of them assembled there. Then one of them, who was quite elderly, took me in her arms, embraced me, kissed my head and after making me sit in her lap, said that I was her daughter. I should not fear anything. In the evening they brought sharab (whisky) and meat. They celebrated my entry into their group. Songs were sung. The head of that home was congratulated. I was given a chunni, a gold chain to put around my neck and a promise was taken from me that I shall never leave them. From that day onward, I have been a professional hijra."

A brief reference to the pattern of voluntary recruitment brings in view many important dimensions. The first dimension being provisional recruitment (e.g. case 4 and 8 show it). A question, why provisional recruitment is made, may be asked here. The reason for making temporary affiliation is that the head of a hijra home wants to make sure that the newcomer does not have any dispute with any other hijra of the region. Also, if a hijra has already been working under some other head hijra then there can be serous disputes between the two heads of Deras. As it shall be seen later in the section on organization, there exists a code of conduct for the hijras in the matters concerning recruitment, etc.

The second notable aspect is the age factor. Those, who join at a relatively younger age, can be admitted straight away (e.g. case 8). This has a relation with the first dimension because the possibilities of disputes and other kind of crises are more in the case of grown up cases than the younger ones. The third aspect refers to the linguistic and regional background which play an important role in the acceptance of a hijra for recruitment (e.g. case 8). Another, the fourth aspect deals with the looks of a hijra. A hijra with a beautiful face is considered as an aspect to the Dera. It was noticed that even the hijras do not mind paying for the purchase of such a case (e.g. case 16). The fifth dimension involves celebrations following recruitment of the new members.

Besides the above referred to dimensions there is one very interesting case whose motivations and consequent recruitment had entirely been different than all other cases studied for the present work. It is case 7 who is not a born hijra but who later got castrated to become a hijra. Before going into the details of this case it is desirable to mention that the practice of castration had been quite popular since the times of Righveda. In the recent times, this practice has come to be regarded as cruel and undesirable in the society at large and by certain sections of the hijras also. Lately, a news appeared in The Tribune (dated 13 October 1986) which stated that 20,000 young boys[!!!] between the age of 15 years and 20 years get castrated every year and become the members of 11 lakh hijra empire. Why do they become so? It is in relation to this question that the researcher considers it worthwhile to discuss case 7. [While the number 20,000 seems HUGE, it would square with the most common estimates of the number of hijra active in India today, assuming that there is an average life expectancy of 50 years after castration. This would mean that an average of 50+ young men (our author calls them "young boys," but has them between 15 and 20 years of age) are castrated somewhere in India every day of the year!]

The case in reference is a huge, ugly looking, middle aged hijra and comes from a poor scheduled caste family of a town in Punjab. The primary occupation of his parents was that of sweepers and scavengers. Born as a normal boy, Prem (his name) went to school and studied up to fifth class. He could not continue his education due to poor economic conditions of the family. This was certainly against the will as he wanted to become something and to own things such as a bicycle, a transistor, etc. These things used to be the possession of a few economically better off. But his dreams shattered. Since, usually economic and occupational heritage perpetuates, he started following his parental occupation. The return in this occupation was carrying head loads of night soil, dirt of people's homes and few rupees. Prem, while recollecting his past days, was laughing just to give way to his anguish over the drudgeries he had once faced. He talked about the way he was castrated and admitted into the hijra home. He told,

"A day was fixed for my castration. Two old hijras from a distant place also arrived for this occasion which is rather an occasion marked by gaiety and celebration. This is considered as a rebirth of an individual. The preparations were made. A new red-coloured suit was got stitched for me. The day came. A doctor was called. He cut my genitals by operating upon me. He charged Rs. 1000/- as his fee. The act was kept secret. In the evening there was a feast. A goat was cut. Bottles of liquor were opened. They all drank, danced and offered Badhai to my Guru. Thus, I became what I am today. The greed of money and desire to become rich made me so."

The foregoing narration made by case 7 reveals two very significant aspects concerning recruitment and motivation to get recruited. One, that it is the desire to acquire sufficient assets which makes one to become a member of the hijra home and which possibly must have been the case with many who get themselves castrated. Two, even if one is not a born hijra one can become so by way of getting oneself castrated. The later aspect, however, gives rise to certain fundamental questions of interest. First, is the practice of castration acceptable in the contemporary times? Second, does, any other way, apart from the operation as was seen in case 7, exist for the castration reflecting more upon the recruitment through such means?

With respect to first question it may be argued that such a practice is inhumanitarian. Nevertheless, it had existed in the past in an institutionalized form. Its rationalization and legitimization was done on the basis of various pretexts like a form of punishment. However, it proved functional to kings and ruling class and, thus, continued to exist. It has also been observed in the section dealing with historical aspect of hijras. In the contemporary times, it is illegal but still continues because many of the Gurus procure young boys and get them castrated. A recent news item in a daily newspaper contained some resentment towards such a practice. Mr. Kharaiti Lal Bhola, Head of all India Hijra Kalyan Sabha submitted a memorandum to Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi. Mr. Bhola said, "Gurus of the eunuch empire were responsible for the castrations ... 98 per cent of the eunuchs were castrated males. True hermaphrodites were very rare and, therefore, there was no question of over 11 lakh population of them in the country." Why do they get young males castrated? On this question, Mr. Bhola stated, "Some groups of eunuchs collect hundreds of rupees every day and deposit the amount with their Gurus, who in return, pay them Rs. 15 a day. They are treated as bonded labour and rebellion from any group was crushed by the powerful Gurus." This explanation makes obvious the motivation of heads of the hijra homes. They, in a bid to maximize their earnings, recruit young boys and get them castrated. This tendency of the Gurus perpetuates the hijra cult and, thus, carries out recruitments. The exploitative nature of relationships between Guru and his chelas can be better understood in the forthcoming chapter on hijra organization. It may, however, be stated that this practice of castration is accepted by many due to various economic motives but condemned only by few, who are, in fact, born hijras.

[JesusA (imported)]

With regard to ways of castration, it may be stated that there had been a number of ways through which castrations had been taking place in the Indian and other world societies, especially those where the practice of castration was quite popular. The most primitive method prevailed in the form of crushing of testicles. The evidence to this practice comes from Atharvaveda. Similarly, testicles were cut as per the description available in Vedic texts. This was done due to various reasons, as has already been referred to in the section on the historical past of the hijras. Apart from these two methods, there have been castrations inspired by religion and rituals. The example of Galli, the priests of Cybele, the mother goddess, indicates self-castration to secure chastity. In this respect it has been observed,

"Wrought up to the highest pitch of religious excitement, the galli dashed the several portions of themselves against the image of the cruel goddess. These broken instruments of fertility were afterwards reverently wrapt up and buried in the earth."

Similarly, those who castrated themselves in honour of the Syrian Astarte of Hierapolis, "after performing the mutilation upon themselves ran through the city carrying in their hands the severed parts." In this way, historical evidences show that castration had been a legitimate practice and was carried out in different ways.

In the contemporary times, according to the respondents' account, and an evidence, from an article it is evinced that castration is a ritual among the hijras. Before its performance, the person on whom it has to be performed is purified by giving him a bath and new clothes, mostly a red coloured suit or sari.

According to a case in Salunke's article reported in Illustrated Weekly of India (8 August 1976), the following procedure was adopted. A hijra explains:

"I was lifted by four hijras and put on a heap of ashes. They held me tight, while the rest (of the hijras) kept on singing and dancing in the adjoining hall. The drumbeats now rose to a frenzy. The old hijra came to me and seized my genitals with his left hand, and with his right hand, slit the bamboo lath in the centre, running it down quite close to my pubis. The slit firmly held my genital at the root. The burly hijra ran down his sharp razor along the face of the lath and removed my penis, testicles and scrotum in one swoop. Leaving a large bleeding wound. Soon another hijra poured boiling oil to stanch the bleeding. The wound was covered with a rag soaked in warm oil."

Such practices though legitimate ones in the hijra community, however, are illegal according to the laws of the society. Since it is a part of their socio-cultural life it goes unchallenged barring little opposition coming from some quarters.

After having discussed the voluntary recruitments and also some of the practices associated with it, specifically that of castration, the case of forced recruitments may be discussed here. Its necessity arises as there are 6 such cases (no. 1, 3, 10, 14, 15, and 17). While case 1 and 3 were recruited in their infancy, the others were, however, recruited when they had crossed the age of six years. The case history analysis of these cases brought into limelight that having got recruited in their infancy they themselves did not know anything. Their respective Gurus, however, informed the researcher that these hijras' parents put some resistance in handing over their hijra children to them. On the question what way the resistance was put, they stated, "the members of the panchayats were asked to pursue the Gurus to take some money in lieu of them. But a hijra belongs to hijras, so there was no question of any leniency. Even some of the females in the village wept in sympathy but that too could not deter the hijras in making their demand." The real version of forced or coerced recruitment, however, comes from case No. 10, 14, 15 and 17, who stayed with their own families for a time period exceeding six years. At those ages of theirs they were fully conscious about what happened with them.

Case 10 narrated that he was running 11th year of his age when one day a group of hijras visited his parents' home. According to him,

"On seeing them my parents asked me to hide myself in the adjoining room. I immediately did so. The hijras were requesting my parents to hand over me to them. But my parents would not concede to their demand. After fifteen-twenty minutes' exchange of arguments, both the parties started shouting loudly. The hijras said that I being of neither sex belonged to them only. It was a custom upheld for centuries. The whole thing went up till late midnight. My mother cried helplessly. My father tried to scare away them with threats of dire consequences. But all that went in vain. Finally, I had to leave the house. Though, my mother used to visit me in my Dera yet she was not in favour of my staying there. One day, after a year's time, I asked my parents not to come there. This was how I departed and you can imagine how painful was the whole affair."

Same way the cases 14 and 15 were force to leave their parents' homes. Case 17, however, had to under go more trouble than case 10, 14 and 15.

Case 17 was well protected, loved and liked by his parents. But the problem in his case started when his elder brother and sister started envying him because of two reasons. First, he was loved so much by his parents that, at times, it amounted to tension between his parents and brother and sister. Second, his brother and sister used to have very tough time in their peer-groups and in the schools. The other children used to discriminate against them because of their hijra brother. And many a time many embarrassing questions were put. All these led to his recruitment as per the narration by the hijra himself,

"One day my brother and sister got very angry with me. My brother informed the hijras about me. They came to take me. The news spread in the whole village. Everybody assembled outside our home. There were 15 hijras who had come there. They were shouting, abusing and even became violent. The police was called. The village sarpanch was persuaded to put pressure upon hijras to withdraw their demand. But all that could not work. Finally, the police intervened. My parents agreed to give me to them. Thus, I got into hijra cult unwillingly. Even after my joining I could not adjust. One day I got a chance to get away from them. It was a mela in a nearby city. In the rush I disappeared. From Layallpur (in Pakistan) I reached Lahore. At the time of partition, I came down to Amritsar. There I started leading the life of an ordinary labourer. But I could not adjust there. From there, I came to Ambala. At Ambala I was spotted by a hijra. He took me to his home. But I escaped from there at night and reached Patiala. After reaching Patiala, I was too tired to run here and there. I was again in the nets of hijras. Though I have been now living here for quite a long time, yet I have not danced even a single time. I only play Dholak whenever we go out. I still feel sometimes that I should run away from here. But the society, circumstances and the hijras continue to force me to live here."

The cases pertaining to forcible recruitment tend to suggest that is it not always the hijras themselves who force a hijra to join them but sometimes the family members, due to various interests, drive them out. It happened in the case of case 17.

Besides the above discussed two types of ways of recruitment, the foregoing also tends to suggest that recruitment to hijra cult is, by and large, socially conditioned. Wherever, the analyses have shown voluntary recruitment, it in fact has been a case of forced recruitment. The individual motivations, however, only develop when the society rejects them. Nevertheless, the whole set of circumstances is one of the most crucial aspects which accounts for one more step forward in the institutionalization of a non-normal role.